WASHINGTON POST, Fareed Zakaria
Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin
Netanyahu’s speech to Congress was eloquent, moving and intelligent in identifying the problems with the potential
nuclear deal with Iran. But when describing the alternative to it, Netanyahu entered never-never land, painting a scenario utterly divorced from reality. Congress joined him on his fantasy ride, rapturously applauding as he spun out one unattainable demand after another.
Netanyahu declared that Washington should reject the current deal, demand that Tehran dismantle almost its entire nuclear program and commit never to restart it. In the world according to Bibi, the Chinese, Russians and Europeans will cheer, tighten sanctions, and increase pressure — which would then lead Iran to capitulate. “
Dreams do come true, if only we wish hard enough,” said Peter Pan.
We have some history that can inform us on the more likely course. Between 2003 and 2005, under another practical president, Mohammad Khatami, Iran negotiated with three European Union powers a possible deal to place its nuclear program under constraints and inspections. The chief nuclear negotiator at the time was
Hassan Rouhani, now Iran’s president.
Iran proposed to cap its centrifuges at very low levels, keep enrichment levels well below those that could be used for weapons and convert its existing enriched uranium into fuel rods (which could not be put to military use). Peter Jenkins, the British representative to the International Atomic Energy Agency, told the Inter Press Service , “
All of us were impressed by the proposal.” But the talks collapsed because the Bush administration, acting through the British government, vetoed it. It was certain, Jenkins explained, that if the West could “scare” the Iranians, “they would give in.”
What was the result? Did Iran return to the table and capitulate? No, the country withstood the sanctions and, unimpeded by any inspections, massively expanded its nuclear infrastructure. Iran went from
164 centrifuges to
19,000, accumulated more than
17,000 pounds of enriched uranium gas and ramped up construction of a
heavy water reactor at Arak that could be used to produce weapons-grade plutonium.
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| The IR-40 heavy water reactor, Arak, Iran |
Harvard University’s Graham Allison, one of the United States’ foremost experts on nuclear issues, pointed out that “
by insisting on maximalist demands and rejecting potential agreements, the first of which would have limited Iran to 164 centrifuges, we have seen Iran advance from 10 years away from producing a bomb to only months.”
If the deal now being negotiated fails, the most likely scenario is a repetition of the past. Iran will expand its nuclear program. If the other major powers believed that Iran’s offer was serious but U.S. and Israeli intransigence torpedoed it, they would be reluctant to enforce sanctions — and all sanctions start to leak over time anyway. Netanyahu worries that with this deal, 10 years from now Iran might restart some elements of its programs. But without the deal, in 10 years Iran would likely have 50,000 centrifuges, a massive stockpile of highly enriched uranium, new facilities, thousands of experienced nuclear scientists and technicians, and a fully functioning heavy water reactor that can produce plutonium. At that point, what would Bibi do?
The theory that Iran would buckle under continued pressure ignores certain basic facts. Iran is a proud, nationalistic country. It has survived 36 years of Western sanctions through low oil prices and high oil prices. It endured an
eight-year war with Iraq in which it lost an estimated half a million fighters. ...
As Allison points out, Iran already has the capacity to build a nuclear weapons program and got it in 2008 when it mastered the ability to produce centrifuges and enrich uranium. And yet, Iran has not done it.
For almost 25 years now, Netanyahu has argued that Iran is on the verge of producing a nuclear weapon.
In 1996 — 19 years ago — he addressed the Congress and made pretty much the same argument he made this week. Over the last 10 years he has argued repeatedly that Iran is one year away from a bomb.
So why have Bibi’s predictions been wrong for 25 years? A small part of it has been
Western and Israeli sabotage that impeded Iran’s progress. But even the most exaggerated claims by intelligence agencies would not account for a delay of more than a few years. The larger part is probably that Iran has always recognized that were it to build a bomb, it would face huge international consequences. In other words, the mullahs have calculated — correctly — that the benefits of breakout are not worth the costs. The key to any agreement with Iran is to keep the costs of breakout high and the benefits low. This is the most realistic path to keeping Iran from becoming a nuclear weapons state — not Peter Pan dreams.
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| Brent Scowcroft and Zbigniew Brzezinski |
NY. REVIEW OF BOOKS Elizabeth Drew
Ever since Hurricane Bibi blew through Washington last week, advocates and opponents of a possible nuclear agreement with Iran have been assessing the damage. ...the essential question is what effect Netanyahu’s visit will have on the [possible] nuclear [agreement between the U.S. and Iran.]
The likely agreement with Iran has strong support from the foreign policy establishment, including such respected figures as Brent Scowcroft and Zbigniew Brzezinski. It also has the support of various nuclear-control advocacy groups such as the Arms Control Association and the Council for a Livable World, as well as the Atlantic Council, heavily stocked with foreign policy brahmins. And while AIPAC, the influential hardline pro-Israel group (which Netanyahu also addressed during his stop in Washington) has come out against the likely agreement (and backs a congressional vote on it), the newer and more peace-oriented group J Street is growing in influence in Washington, and supports reaching a workable deal with Iran.
Supporters insist that Netanyahu’s bombastic speech, replete with not-unfamiliar warnings of dire consequences, didn’t make any real difference to the acceptability of such a deal in Congress. They say that the probable deal is less than perfect but believe that it’s workable—that the Iranians cannot cheat on it without getting caught, and that inspections would continue after the likely ten-year life of the ban on Iran’s developing nuclear weapons.
I’m not so sure that a sufficient number of members will end up sharing this view (both chambers will cast a vote on any resolution, though for now the action is in the Senate). Earlier this year Henry Kissinger, in testimony before the Senate Armed Services Committee, was full of forebodings about the administration’s negotiating position (though this didn’t tell us where Kissinger would stand when presented with an actual agreement). Netanyahu’s and AIPAC’s position is shared by evangelical groups, who are passionate supporters of Israel for their own doctrinal reasons and have become involved in the current fight over a nuclear deal with Iran.
Netanyahu’s very strong and well-crafted presentation probably gave some heft to the [naysayers]—more talking points, more grounds for concern that the pending deal isn’t tight enough. Netanyahu may well have raised the bar for an agreement. Connecticut Senator Richard Blumenthal, who has expressed concerns about the likely agreement, told me that Netanyahu “probably made some difference in adding weight and credibility to some of the reservations members of Congress had already.”
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| Senator Tom Cotton of Arkansas |
For now, opponents of an agreement are running television ads encouraging people to call Congress to say that a nuclear “treaty” with Iran must be subject to congressional approval, and that that issue must be settled first. And then, on Monday, in a staggeringly inappropriate and audacious act, the highly conservative freshman Republican Senator Tom Cotton of Arkansas, who at thirty-seven is the youngest member of the Senate, led forty-six other Republicans in penning an open letter to the government of Iran. (Cotton had previously said that Congress should scuttle the negotiations.) The letter warned that
we will consider any agreement regarding your nuclear-weapons program that is not approved by the Congress as nothing more than an executive agreement between President Obama and Ayatollah Khamenei. The next president could revoke such an agreement with the stroke of a pen and future Congresses could modify the terms of the agreement at any time.
Joining Cotton on the letter were potential GOP presidential candidates Marco Rubio, Rand Paul, Ted Cruz, among others.
A rough fight is in store.
Whatever emerges from the negotiations later this month, some very big events will have happened in Israel, in particular the March 17 election, which as of now is believed to be a tight contest between Netanyahu’s party and the Zionist Union, his closest rivals. Even if Netanyahu prevails, his trip to the United States hasn’t proven to be the smashing political success at home that he had hoped. In fact, it’s created a powerful backlash. Retired Israeli generals spoke out against Netanyahu’s going to America to torpedo the deal while negotiations were still taking place. Within a couple of days after Netanyahu’s speech a former head of Mossad, Meir Dagan, told an interviewer that Netanyahu had misled Congress on how long it would take Iran to develop a nuclear weapon, and was generally scathing about Netanyahu’s approach to both Iran and the Palestinians. On the Saturday after the speech Dagan, appearing at a large rally of Netanyahu opponents, said he was more afraid of Netanyahu’s governing than he was of Israel’s enemies. 
DAILY BEAST, Michael Tomasky
I have probably written many times in the past that Republicans hit a new low, but as of this week you can toss all those. This Senate letter is the definite low of all time. I didn’t think these people could shock me, but this one genuinely was shocking in so many ways—not least the dishonor it brings on the United States Senate—that every other nutso thing they’ve done drops down one notch on the charts.
Treason, as the Daily News blared? I don’t know for sure about that. But I know to a certainty that if a group of Democratic senators had done this to a Republican president, Republicans and conservative pundits would be screaming the T-word and demanding the Justice Department investigate the senators.
Imagine if, say, 47 Democratic senators had written an “open letter” (a moral cop-out that permits the senators to say that it wasn’t “really” a communication to Ayatollah Khamenei) to Mikhail Gorbachev in 1986 assuring him any treaty Ronald Reagan signed with him could and quite possibly would be altered or abrogated by them. Or worse still—imagine that 47 Democratic senators had written an open letter to Saddam Hussein in the fall of 2002 reminding him that only Congress could declare war and that most of them would long outlast President Bush, while closing on the breathtakingly cloying note of being happy to have enriched Saddam’s “knowledge of the constitutional system.” There seems to me no doubt whatsoever that some Republican senators and members of Congress would have been baying for Logan Act prosecutions.
Much as part of me might savor it, I don’t think we ought to go there. A far better punishment for these disgraceful intriguers would be for the letter to backfire and increase the likelihood of a deal being struck. And it might well have that effect: If the mullahs genuinely want a deal, then surely a threat like this from the Senate would make them more anxious to pursue one while they can, and then hope that Hillary Clinton, who’s indicated she’d support a deal, becomes the next president and can make it stick.
Let’s hope that’s the effect—but let’s never forget the intent. These Republican senators, says Trita Parsi of the National Iranian American Council, an advocate for a deal, can’t block a settlement; “but they can get the Iranians to think that it’s impossible to trust the United States,” he says. Thus, “the intent of the letter was to show the United States to be untrustworthy.”
Our years of resistance to diplomacy, a product of neocon doctrine and pressure, has thus made the situation clearly and tangibly worse.
It’s pretty amazing that members of the United States Senate would want to do that to their own country—not just in the eyes of Iran, but in the eyes of the five other powers involved in the negotiations. Three are some of our closest allies (Britain, France, and Germany). The other two are the not inconsiderable nations of Russia and China. All five have had negotiators sitting at the table with us and the Iranians for a year and a half. Wonder what they think of this.
It’s a disgrace, but only another in a long history of Republican-conservative disgraces with respect to Iran. Indeed these go back to 1953, when Dwight Eisenhower green-lighted the coup that Harry Truman had blocked. And they extend up to 2003, and the now largely forgotten but suddenly rather timely story of the Bush administration’s rebuff of an Iranian diplomatic overture that could have made the history of the U.S.-Iran relationship a very different one from what it has been.
It was all widely reported then;
this Washington Post article provides a good rundown. In sum, it was a point in time when the (Shia) Iranian republic had been cooperating with the United States in tracking down some (Sunni) al Qaeda men; through a Swiss intermediary, Iran passed a letter to the White House feeling the Bush administration out on broad-ranging negotiations—possibly curtailing its nuclear ambitions, cutting back on its support for (or maybe even disarming) Hezbollah, and most strikingly of all, indirectly recognizing Israel’s right to exist—all in exchange for the lifting of American sanctions.
The offer was real. Whether it had Khamenei’s blessing, no one in the West really knows. Still, some elements in the Bush administration wanted to pursue it. But
guess who won? As that
Post story reports it, “top Bush administration officials, convinced the Iranian government was on the verge of collapse, belittled the initiative.”
We can’t know what might have happened. “But we do know one thing,” Parsi says. “When diplomacy is rejected, as it was under Bush, when the official U.S. policy was for regime change in Tehran, you give the Iranians every incentive to do everything they can to prevent the United States from pursuing regime change.” That means spreading its talons across Iraq, and it chiefly means, of course, pushing ahead full-speed with its nuclear ambitions.
Here’s part of what that rejection of diplomacy has done for us. In 2005, Iran put an offer on the table to the Europeans calling for it to keep 3,000 centrifuges. But that was rejected, because the United States wasn’t willing to talk to Iran. So what did Iran do? While we were refusing to negotiate and rattling the saber, they were building centrifuges to beat the band.
So today, Parsi told me, Iran has about 22,000 centrifuges, of which 9,400 are operational. Any deal is going to let Iran end up with around 6,000 centrifuges. That’s twice the amount it was asking for in 2005, when we could have struck a deal at 3,000. But we weren’t talking to Iran then, because it’s weak to talk to terrorists and because the regime was on the verge of collapse anyway, see?
Our years of resistance to diplomacy, a product of neocon doctrine and pressure, has thus made the situation clearly and tangibly worse. The Obama administration, and the other five powers, are trying to stuff back into the tube the toothpaste that Dick Cheney and his confederates squeezed out. And for its attempt to repair the gaping wound the neocons and their friend Mr. Netanyahu inflicted on the world, the administration is now subject to this poisonous and quasi-treasonous attack that is designed to increase the likelihood of war with Iran (Senator Tom Cotton, the letter’s author, spoke openly at the recent CPAC conference in support of regime change).
I applaud the
seven Republican senators who did not sign the letter, even if it is a little like applauding the members of the Manson family who didn’t actually kill anybody. And for those who did sign, eternal shame. The only silver lining is that the right’s track record on Iran suggests strongly that the result will be the opposite of that which they desire.
