Showing posts with label NYPD. Show all posts
Showing posts with label NYPD. Show all posts

September 3, 2022

That Nurse Should Be Alive’: How Police Delays Left a Suspect at Large

 The New York Police Department let a suspect in a Brooklyn rape case slip through its grasp. A month later he was arrested in connection with the murder of a nurse in Queens.

  • A memorial sprang up outside the home of Samantha Stewart after she was found dead in Queens in July 2018.
Credit...Go Nakamura for The New York Time
 

On the night of June 18, 2018, a hospital in New York City summoned the police to meet a woman who said she had been raped.

When a detective from the Special Victims Division showed up, the 23-year-old woman gave him a picture of a man whom she had met on the dating app Tinder and an alias he had used. She described how he had choked her unconscious and sexually attacked her the night before in Gowanus, Brooklyn. The detective worked on her case overnight as she underwent a medical exam. She also went with him that night to point out the place where the rape had occurred.

But instead of prompting a vigorous investigation, the victim’s report was largely set aside for three weeks as the detective juggled other cases, The New York Times has learned. By the time the suspect, Danueal Drayton, was arrested a month after the attack, the police and prosecutors said he had killed a nurse in Queens and raped another woman after fleeing to Los Angeles.

The fresh details, related by officials familiar with the events, help explain how the authorities fumbled chances to stop Mr. Drayton, who had a lengthy history of mental illness and attacking women he dated before the killing of the nurse, Samantha Stewart. They illuminate how understaffing in the Special Victims Division, which is the subject of a federal civil rights investigation, slowed efforts to catch a rape suspect as top police officials were vehemently denying that manpower was a problem.

When Mr. Drayton was arrested 12 days after the rape for jumping a turnstile in Brooklyn, he had still not been identified as a sexual assault suspect. So the police released him to another jurisdiction where he was wanted on charges of assaulting an ex-girlfriend and subsequently freed after an unrelated paperwork foul-up. A total of five weeks passed between the rape in Gowanus and his final arrest on July 24, 2018, in Los Angeles. 

Image
Samantha Stewart, 29, was beaten, robbed, strangled and raped.

The details of the delay in the Gowanus rape investigation were described to The Times by the former commander of the Special Victims Division, Michael J. Osgood. A law enforcement official briefed on the case who requested anonymity to speak without authorization corroborated key details.

Mr. Osgood sued the city last year, and accused the former mayor, Bill de Blasio, and top police officials of pushing him out of the department in 2018 for revealing that they had ignored his pleas to improve the unit during his eight years in charge. A city watchdog agency cited his disclosures in a blistering report, but police officials denied retaliating against him.

In an interview, Mr. Osgood said that his superiors should face consequences for Ms. Stewart’s death.

“That nurse should be alive,” Mr. Osgood said. “Instead, she died horribly because they did nothing.”

Delays like the one in the Gowanus case are a common source of anger for victims, whose complaints have prompted federal prosecutors to open a civil rights investigation into the Special Victims Division, which handles nearly all of the roughly 8,600 sex crimes that are reported each year. The investigation, which is not a criminal case, could lead to the Police Department having to accept a court-appointed monitor, like those who already oversee the department’s stop-and-frisk and surveillance practices.

Despite the delay in the Gowanus rape investigation, the case detective identified Mr. Drayton as the suspect in the attack six days before the nurse was found dead, according to Mr. Osgood and the law enforcement official. The revelation contradicts police statements at the time that Mr. Drayton became a suspect in the rape after the murder.

The police never publicly revealed that they had been seeking Mr. Drayton in connection with the rape case before Ms. Stewart’s death. Instead, officials said that he became a suspect after DNA linked the two crimes to the same perpetrator.

The Police Department declined to answer detailed questions sent by email about the delay. The department “takes sexual assault and rape cases extremely seriously, and urges anyone who has been a victim to file a police report so we can perform a comprehensive investigation, and offer support and services to survivors,” the public information office said in a statement, one that it has provided repeatedly in response to questions about the handling of sexual assault cases.

‘Running on fumes’

When the Gowanus victim came forward that June 18, her case was assigned to Detective Christopher A. Mastoros, who had earned a reputation among fellow officers and prosecutors for quality work. Detective Mastoros declined to discuss the case, a police spokesman said.

Division detectives have “manageable” caseloads and take on an average of five to seven new assaults per month, according to the department.

Detective Mastoros had 19 open cases besides the Gowanus rape, and pitched in on several more, according to Mr. Osgood, who had compiled a timeline of the detective’s work at the request of his supervisor.

Detective Mastoros concentrated on the Gowanus case from the night of the 18th until early the next morning, Mr. Osgood and the law enforcement official said. Later that day, the 19th, the detective was assigned to follow up on another matter, the commander said.

Then, on the 20th, Detective Mastoros was assigned to a rape case in East Flatbush involving an unknown attacker — what the police call a stranger case. He moved on the next day to Greenpoint, where the police said a 37-year-old woman reported that a man she did not know had knocked on her door, then pushed his way inside and attacked her.

That prompted police officials to pull several detectives from other cases to work exclusively on the new one. The department uses this practice, known as “surging,” to investigate attacks by strangers because officials believe that these cases are more time sensitive than those involving assaults by acquaintances, and because they believe the strategy can help quell public fear.

But surging leaves detectives’ remaining cases largely untended, according to the city watchdog’s report and Mr. Osgood. He said surging can be debilitating for a unit already stretched thin.

“If you’re running on fumes,” he said, “a stranger rape cripples you.”

Pushed into action

The Greenpoint suspect was arrested the next day, after his mother turned him in, according to the police. But as lead investigator, Detective Mastoros worked on the case five more days, skipping two regular days off and testifying before a grand jury, according to Mr. Osgood and the law enforcement official. 

It wasn’t until June 28 that Detective Mastoros returned to the Gowanus rape case and went looking for video at the office of a moving company where the victim said Mr. Drayton stayed in a room to which he had taken her after hours, according to Mr. Osgood and the official. The detective searched again on July 10. Both times, he found nothing. 

In between, he handled at least 10 other cases, going to hospitals to interview victims, taking reports and helping colleagues collect video evidence, Mr. Osgood said. Detective Mastoros worked a holiday patrol detail on July 4 and took four of his scheduled days off.

On July 11, a Special Victims Division unit that monitors progress on cases sent an alert to investigators requiring immediate action on the Gowanus rape, 23 days after the victim’s report, Mr. Osgood said.

Detective Mastoros uploaded the picture the victim had given him to a facial-recognition program that same day, Mr. Osgood and the official said. It matched a recent mug shot of Mr. Drayton from Nassau County, where he had been charged with attacking his ex-girlfriend and released without bail. The Gowanus victim then picked Mr. Drayton from a photo lineup, according to Mr. Osgood and the official.

The detective issued an investigation card, a document that police treat like a warrant, that notified the whole department that Mr. Drayton should be arrested on sight. But under Police Department policy, Special Victims detectives do not execute felony arrests, Mr. Osgood and the official said, so six days passed before anyone went looking for Mr. Drayton. The department did not explain the policy.Through the net

The halting pace of the investigation reflected a common complaint of rape victims. Alison Turkos, the founder of the NYPD Survivor Working Group, said that half of the sexual assault victims who have confided in her experienced delays in their investigations. Several women involved with the group which is not affiliated with the department or the city, have told The Times that they spoke to federal prosecutors about the holdups.

“It’s months of survivors not hearing from officers,” Ms. Turkos said. “It’s months of survivors’ emails and phone calls going unanswered. It’s months of folks just being neglected.”

The warrants squad did not make its first attempt to arrest Mr. Drayton until July 17. By then, the police had already caught him and let him go.

Danueal Drayton was arrested, but no one had connected him to a rape in Brooklyn.
Credit...New York Police Department, via Associated Press
 Patrol officers had arrested Mr. Drayton for jumping a turnstile in Brooklyn on June 30, the police said. It was 12 days after the rape in Gowanus, but the case detective had not yet identified Mr. Drayton, so the police turned him over to Nassau County, where he was wanted.

On July 1, a judge there ordered him held on $2,000 bail on charges that he had choked his ex-girlfriend, slashed her tires and broken into her house. But another judge mistakenly released him on July 5 after paperwork went missing that detailed his criminal record in Connecticut, where he had spent time in prison for attacking two women and was on probation for threatening a friend.

On the night of July 17, New York City police officers responded to a 911 call from a man whose 29-year-old daughter, Ms. Stewart, was found dead in her bedroom in Springfield Gardens, Queens. She had been beaten, robbed, strangled and raped posthumously, prosecutors said.

The police figured out that Mr. Drayton was the murder suspect within days by tracking transactions on Ms. Stewart’s credit cards after her death. By then, Detective Mastoros had also identified him as the suspect in the Gowanus rape case.

But at that point Mr. Drayton was in Los Angeles, the authorities said. A fugitive task force caught him on July 24 in North Hollywood, where prosecutors said he had raped and tried to strangle his final victim in her apartment.

After Mr. Drayton’s arrest, Mr. Osgood said that he sent an email to his supervisor summarizing Detective Mastoros’s work between the rape in Gowanus and the murder in Queens. The official, Assistant Chief James W. Essig, who was then the commander of the specialty enforcement divisions, did not respond to the message, Mr. Osgood said. The Police Department declined to make Chief Essig, who now runs the entire Detective Bureau, available for an interview and officials did not answer written questions sent by email.

Paul DiGiacomo, who leads the Detectives’ Endowment Association, said the delays in the Gowanus rape case stemmed from staffing problems that have become widespread due to difficulties recruiting and retaining officers.

The Police Department had about 5,100 detectives at the end of last year, 2,200 fewer than in 2001, according to its annual census. Since then, the proliferation of smartphones, video cameras and social media have made investigations more labor-intensive, Mr. DiGiacomo said.

“There’s very little time for them to dive into their casework,” he said. “They are overloaded.”

The city watchdog agency has said the Special Victims Division would need to double in size to give detectives adequate time to investigate their cases.

Lucian Chalfen, the chief spokesman for the state court system, said the Nassau County judge would not have released Mr. Drayton had it been known that he was a suspect in the Gowanus rape.

Mr. Drayton was charged in Los Angeles with attempted murder, rape and false imprisonment. But a mental health court judge this year decided that he was not competent to stand trial, the Los Angeles District Attorney’s Office said in a statement.

Mr. Drayton, now 31, was extradited to New York in March to face charges for murder, rape and grand larceny in Queens. He was also indicted on rape charges in Brooklyn.

Margaret Wright Stewart, Ms. Stewart’s mother, said in a telephone interview that she did not know the police had been looking for Mr. Drayton before her daughter was killed.

“So many people, before, that man hurt, and then he killed my daughter,” Ms. Wright Stewart said. If officials had warned about Mr. Drayton sooner, she said, “maybe Samantha would be alive.”


January 14, 2021

New York State Sues NYPD Over Its Handling Of 2020 Racial Justice Protests


Protestors shout in front of NYPD officers during a "Black Lives Matter" demonstration last summer in New York City, in outrage over the death of a black man in Minnesota who died after a white policeman kneeled on his neck for several minutes.

Johannes Eisele/AFP via Getty Images

Updated at 1 p.m. ET

New York Attorney General Letitia James has filed a lawsuit against the New York City Police Department, citing "a pattern of using excessive force and making false arrests against New Yorkers during peaceful protests" that sought racial justice and other changes.

The Black Lives Matter movement and other activists organized large protests in New York and other states last year, after the Memorial Day death of George Floyd at the hands of police in Minneapolis. Demonstrations grew over similar incidents, including the killing of Breonna Taylor in Louisville, Ky.

James' office says it has received "more than 1,300 complaints and pieces of evidence" about the police response to the protests in New York City. It's now seeking a court order "declaring that the policies and practices that the NYPD used during these protests were unlawful."

Along with the court order, the attorney general is asking for policy reforms, as well as a monitor to be installed to oversee the NYPD's tactics and handling of future protests.

The NYPD has been sharply criticized over a number of its officers' actions in the past year. Last May, police SUVs were shown in a video of a protest in Brooklyn, surging into a crowd that had surrounded them. In another incident, an officer drew his gun and pointed it at a crowd of people.

And in July, plainclothes officers were seen on video as they "aggressively detained a woman at a protest and hauled her away in an unmarked vehicle," as NPR reported.

"There is no question that the NYPD engaged in a pattern of excessive, brutal, and unlawful force against peaceful protesters," James said. "Over the past few months, the NYPD has repeatedly and blatantly violated the rights of New Yorkers, inflicting significant physical and psychological harm and leading to great distrust in law enforcement."

"With today's lawsuit," James said, "this longstanding pattern of brutal and illegal force ends. No one is above the law — not even the individuals charged with enforcing it."

The police actions broke state and federal law, James says. The lawsuit alleges that New York City, Mayor Bill de Blasio, NYPD Commissioner Dermot Shea and NYPD Chief of Department Terence Monahan "failed to prevent and address the pattern or practice of excessive force and false arrests by officers against peaceful protesters in violation of the First, Fourth, and Fourteenth Amendments of the United States Constitution" as well as state laws.

The NYPD did not immediately respond to a request for comment. After the lawsuit was filed, the Police Benevolent Association of the City of New York issued a statement blaming the city's leadership for the problems at the protests.

"They sent cops out to police unprecedented protests and violent riots with no plan, no strategy and no support," PBA President Patrick J. Lynch said.

James announced the lawsuit against the NYPD Thursday morning, in a virtual news conference that began shortly before New York Gov. Andrew Cuomo delivered his annual State of the State address. Cuomo called on James — who is elected, not appointed – to investigate NYPD's response to the protests last May.

"Last night we saw disturbing violent clashes amid protests in Brooklyn," Cuomo said when he announced his request for an inquiry. He added, "The public deserves answers and accountability."

Last June, the NYPD suspended at least two officers for their behavior during protests, including an officer who was captured on video pushing a woman to the ground in Brooklyn. Another officer was punished for "pulling down an individual's face mask in Brooklyn and spraying pepper spray at him," as ABC7 New York reported.

Human Rights Watch, an independent watchdog group, issued a report last year on the police misconduct in Brooklyn which said that clearly identified medics and legal observers were among those zip-tied and beaten by police, in a response to the protest which was "intentional, planned, and unjustified."

The lawsuit says the police department sent thousands of poorly trained officers to cope with large-scale protests, resulting in mass arrests and attempts to suppress demonstrations. It also says the NYPD made a practice out of "kettling" – corralling people by using physical force and obstructions – to arrest protesters rather than allow crowds to disperse.

As the Gothamist website reports:

"The NYPD has already been under the oversight of a federal monitor for more than six years. The federal monitor, Peter Zimroth, was ordered by the court to oversee sweeping stop-and-frisk reforms. The department's work to reform stop-and-frisk practices, and address racial biases in policing, is ongoing. The monitor has not yet deemed the NYPD to be fully in compliance with reforms."

A Minnesota judge ruled this week that Derek Chauvin, the former police officer who kept his knee on Floyd's neck for several minutes, will stand trial alone when proceedings begin in March. Chauvin is charged with second-degree murder and manslaughter.


September 14, 2020

9/13 Contempt, unprofessionalism, disrespect: To whom does the NYPD report? Apparently not to de Blasio

 




HARRY SIEGEL, DAILY NEWS

Who is in charge? De Blasio or Mullins?
Who is in charge? De Blasio or Mullins? (New York Daily News)

One reason that Bill de Blasio has moved from so-called broken windows or quality of life policing to sloganeering about neighborhood policing and a de facto policy of not-so-benign neglect is that providing real support to people before there’s a call or need for police intervention is arduous and expensive, while talk is still cheap.

Another reason is that he doesn’t have control of his own police department, whose members haven’t been shy about rubbing his nose in that fact even as they’ve become increasingly shy about doing the job asked of them and shootings in recent months have more than doubled from the same stretch just a year earlier. You don’t like what we do? Duck!

If there’s an embodiment of policing as a protection racket in New York City, it’s Ed Mullins, the vulgar, Trumpist head of the sergeants union who’s been at war with the mayor since 2014.

This May, Mullins called the city’s health commissioner, Oxiris Barbot, a “bitch”— and the mayor made her apologize to the police. That was after someone leaked an exchange weeks earlier in which the NYPD’s Chief of Department, Terence Monahan, tried to commandeer Health Department N95 masks when medical workers on the front lines of the fight against the virus were desperately short on them and she told him “I don’t give two rats’ asses about your cops.”

Monahan has heard and said worse, and the NYPD got 250,000 masks, but that didn’t stop Mullins from declaring that “Truth is this bitch has blood on her hands but why should anyone be surprised the NYPD has suffered under DeBlasio since he became Mayor.” (Barbot resigned in August, joining the list of women of color de Blasio has thrown under the bus.)

The grim punchline is that the city is full of cops — who have been charged by the mayor and governor at different points with enforcing mask-wearing compliance — not wearing masks, with the NYPD’s own Twitter account routinely sharing photos of groups of unmasked officers.

De Blasio says “the reality is it’s a very clear standard. We need to protect each other and everyone’s expected to do it.” If only that was New York City’s reality. But in fact, the NYPD has long been deeply suspicious of civilian oversight, let alone leadership.

Just try to imagine teachers or any other group of government workers simply ignoring the rules this way. For the NYPD, which has barricaded most of the 22 blocks with precincts in Manhattan for months now while brushing off questions from elected officials about that “siege mentality,” it’s routine. (De Blasio has routinely dodged questions about this, too.)

A few weeks after attacking Barbot, Mullins posted the police report of the mayor’s daughter after she was arrested at a protest, and without even removing her personal information from it. De Blasio called that doxxing “unconscionable,” but did nothing.

August 19, 2020

Why The Majority Of NYPD Misconduct Complaints End Up “Unsubstantiated”

 

A zoom effect shows an aerial shot of officers in their dress uniforms.
Police officers graduating at a ceremony at the Barclays Center in 2013. ANDREW GOMBERT/EPA/SHUTTERSTOCK

Randell Simon had just returned home after dropping his son off at school on January 9th, 2019, when he saw three plainclothes NYPD officers blocking the way to his building’s front door.

The officers were there to serve a warrant in a neighboring building. Simon, 34, said one of them, Captain William Diab, quickly became discourteous and told him, “I’ll smack the ‘F’ out of you.”

Simon said Diab, then a lieutenant, issued a threat that’s burned into his memory. “This is his exact word: ‘I'm not from this district. I don't police in this district. You'll never see me again. I'll kill you.’”


Video recovered from a security camera shows Diab, in a backwards Yankees hat, using his entire body to back Simon into a corner. Moments later, Diab grabs Simon by his coat and slams him against a stone wall, as Simon puts his hands up. Simon was arrested and charged with assaulting an officer and resisting arrest.


Five months later, Simon filed a complaint against Captain Diab with the Civilian Complaint Review Board, the body that investigates police misconduct.


Simon’s case languished for a year and a half, as investigators tracked down the other two officers involved in the scuffle. He took personal days off from his job as an employee with the city’s Department of Youth & Community Development so he could provide information to the CCRB.


Despite the security camera video, sworn testimony from Simon, and the fact that Simon’s charges were ultimately dismissed, the CCRB deemed Simon’s complaint “unsubstantiated” in an official determination in June. The ruling means that investigators could not produce sufficient evidence to recommend disciplinary charges against an officer to the NYPD commissioner.


The CCRB did not give Simon a reason explaining their decision.

“My heart felt broke,” said Simon. “I just feel everything was clear cut from the video, from the affidavit, from the officer, and you could see the wrongdoings, and I don't understand. What is the CCRB looking for?"


The case, one of thousands investigated by the CCRB every year, underscores the difficulty in substantiating police misconduct.


The CCRB has a relatively small staff and budget—$19 million compared to the police department’s $5 billion budget—which was recently cut even further. Some CCRB investigators are left with handling upwards of 30 cases simultaneously. Delivering the burden of proof is arduous for the complainant, who must testify in person; if no video evidence exists, their word is pitted against that of an NYPD officer.


And the NYPD has routinely stonewalled CCRB investigations, often withholding critical evidence that can advance a case, according to an investigation by ProPublica. In some instances, the NYPD redacts or withholds names of potential witnesses on records found on warrants, arrests records, documents listing who was in station house calls, and injury officer reports, said the report. More recently, the NYPD has not complied with requests to obtain body-worn cameras from uniformed officers, with hundreds of requests to obtain videos for investigations still pending.


From 2010 through 2019, the CCRB reached conclusions in 17,325 complaints, with 8,775 of those complaints deemed unsubstantiated, according to figures provided by the agency, making it the most common determination. This contrasts with 2,933 cases deemed substantiated over that same time period.


Also within that same period, there were also 1,525 cases listed as unfounded, meaning there was enough evidence to show the allegation made against an officer didn’t happen, and 2,939 cases where the officer was exonerated, where the actions committed by the officer were lawful. The remainder of the cases, 1,153, were deemed “MOS Unidentified,” in which an officer alleged to have committed misconduct was not properly identified to proceed with a disciplinary action.

A graph breaking down the number of CCRB complaints filed from 2010 to 2019, showing the rate of "unsubstantiated" cases vs. "substantiated" cases.

The time and effort required to pursue a case often cause complainants to just give up. In the latest CCRB annual report, 49 percent of all cases filed in the first half of 2019 were “truncated,” meaning someone does not follow through on their complaint, decides to withdraw their case, or cannot be tracked down by investigators.


Public Advocate Jumaane Williams, who has pushed for increasing the CCRB’s powers, filed a CCRB complaint in 2011 after he and activist Kirsten John Foy were arrested at the West Indian Day Parade.


Williams, who at the time was a Councilmember representing East Flatbush, Marine Park, and Midwood, was detained and held by police after he and Foy were crossing through a barricaded sidewalk. Williams and Foy—both Black—were soon met by police officers who pushed them to the ground. They were both detained but not charged with a crime. Williams and Foy still pursued a complaint with the CCRB, claiming the officers had used excessive force.


Even with video capturing a portion of Foy’s arrest, the CCRB exonerated the officers in Williams’ case and unsubstantiated the claims in Foy’s case.

"It showed the strength of the officer's word,” said Williams of the experience. “I was a City Councilmember and my word didn't mean anything.”


In cases without any video evidence, the unsubstantiation rate was 51 percent, while in cases where there was video, it was 44 percent, according to a recent CCRB study.


But even if there is video, an officer can dispute what’s on screen, which could then trigger an unsubstantiated complaint, according to Jenzo DuQue, a former CCRB investigator who serves as an investigator for Neighborhood Defender Service in Harlem.

DuQue recalled that the police would argue that the video was inconclusive or that it “doesn’t feel like a representation” of what actually happened, which would then increase the chance that a complaint would be unsubstantiated.


“Part of the circumstances are just officer perception,” said DuQue. “And so they're going to make decisions or justifications, based on that additional information that isn't readily available [to investigators].”


Body-worn cameras, which all uniformed NYPD patrol officers were equipped with in the beginning of 2019, appear to help the CCRB reach determinations in cases. Between May 2017 and June 2019, the CCRB reached determinations in 76 percent of complaints with body-worn camera evidence, compared to 39 percent when no video was available, according to a recent survey.


But the CCRB does not have direct access to body camera footage—they must request it from the NYPD. Currently there is a backlog of roughly 700 requests for this footage.

Adding to the bureaucracy is the fact that the CCRB—composed of mayoral, New York City Council, and NYPD appointees—does not have final say over whether officers should face discipline. That powers lies with the NYPD Commissioner.


“Investigators have no real control over the outcome of a case,” said DuQue. “The board decides whether misconduct occurred and whether to recommend discipline, but ultimate authority falls to the commissioner, who can similarly flip allegations and disagree with the board's findings, so there are many layers between investigation and determination/outcome.”

An unsubstantiated complaint can also happen when an officer fails to appear at their CCRB interview, a requirement by the New York City Charter that hasn’t been enforced by the NYPD, according to Maryanne Kaishian, a defense attorney with Brooklyn Defender services, who is familiar with Simon’s case.


“If the police fail to show up, fail to explain the actions that they were taking, fail to explain what it is that they were doing in the neighborhood or why it was they approached somebody, the CCRB may be unable to determine whether NYPD rules were broken. Since an unsubstantiated claim means that the CCRB cannot reach a determination, this may be the result of police refusing to cooperate,” said Kaishian.


Ethan Teicher, a spokesperson for the CCRB, said that the board’s mandate is that a “preponderance of the evidence” must be collected to prove a substantiated or exonerated case, adhering to the rules presented in the NYPD patrol guidebook. In a statement, Teicher acknowledged that “current unsubstantiation rates are a problem for New York City that the CCRB is committed to solving.”


“In fact, reducing the unsubstantiation rate is a significant reason why the Agency continues to push the NYPD to address the backlog of body-worn camera requests,” said Teicher. “New Yorkers need the CCRB to be able to make fact-based investigative findings. It is crucial that the CCRB have access to as much evidence as possible in order to carry out its investigative mandate.”


Unsubstantiated complaints—which remain on an officer’s record—hold some usefulness when establishing a pattern of alleged misconduct, according to Molly Griffard, an attorney with the Legal Aid Society.


"It can be telling when there's a pattern of complaints against an individual officer or a precinct,” said Griffard. “It doesn't tell you for sure that [an unsubstantiated case] happened, but it does tell you that a number of people have complained about a similar type of misconduct that this officer or precinct are engaging in, which I think can then tell the public here are some of the problems with policing and also should be tell our lawmakers about what's going on with policing and what and public perceptions of policing as well."


A trove of CCRB data recently published by ProPublica reveals a portion of Captain Diab’s record, showing 44 complaints filed against him, in which 22 were unsubstantiated, 12 exonerated, two unfounded, and seven substantiated, requiring retraining. The dataset does include the five unsubstantiated complaints and one exoneration involving Simon’s case against Diab. Those include discourtesy, abuse of authority, and force allegations. (You can read more about those newly released police disciplinary records here).


"He has a very long record of complaints and it’s baffling that the city has him still being a police officer," said Simon. "How can we get the bad apples out if the CCRB finds every officer is cleared of doing their wrongdoing? What other way do we get the bad apples out?”

Gothamist asked the NYPD if they or Captain Diab wanted to comment for this story. They have not responded to Gothamist's request. A request for comment to the Captains Endowment Association was not returned.


A year and a half since his incident, Simon continues to deal with the aftermath of the confrontation that’s left him wary of the police and a system he thought would help him.

"This affected not only my life, it affected my kid's life. Every time I go out of the house, my son says, 'Daddy, oh, you see police, run,'" said Simon.

His recommendation when filing a complaint? “Don’t bother.”