Showing posts with label NYC POLICE. Show all posts
Showing posts with label NYC POLICE. Show all posts

December 30, 2020

NYPD Cops Become Commanders Despite Dozens Of Misconduct Complaints

 GOTHAMIST


A portrait photograph of Deputy Inspector Osvaldo Nuñez of the 47th Precinct on the left and Captain Carlos Fabara of the 100th Precinct on the right. The two have the two highest number of complaints filed with the Civilian Complaint Review Board.Deputy Inspector Osvaldo Nuñez of the 47th Precinct (left) and Captain Carlos Fabara of the 100th Precinct have more complaints filed with the Civilian Complaint Review Board than any other commanding officers. NYPD

In late September, Captain Carlos Fabara became the newest commanding officer for the 100th Precinct in Rockaway, Queens. Like any commanding officer of a “house,” Fabara is the face of his precinct, answering questions from anxious members of the neighborhood at community council meetings, and defending his officers’ work during the weekly CompStat rundown with the NYPD’s top leadership.


Fabara was promoted to this position of power despite having a record that may have prevented managers in other professions from rising through the ranks. Fabara has sustained 57 documented complaints of alleged police misconduct from the Civilian Complaint Review Board, the independent agency that investigates certain kinds of abuse. The complaints were filed well before Fabara was promoted to running a precinct.


That number, accrued over his 21 years on the force—including a stint training police officers—is the highest among the NYPD’s 77 commanding officers, according to CCRB data that was made public this summer by the New York Civil Liberties Union.


Eleven of Fabara’s complaints—all falling under the category of abuse of authority—were deemed substantiated, meaning the CCRB determined that wrongdoing had occurred.

"It's a part of the larger problem of the culture of impunity within the NYPD that officers with dozens [of CCRB complaints] can rise up the ranks,” said Molly Griffard, Legal Aid Society Cop Accountability Project legal fellow. “And it certainly sends a message that this kind of misconduct is tolerated and that these complaints are not taken seriously enough."

NYPD Commissioner Dermot Shea and Mayor Bill de Blasio at a press conference in February.
NYPD Commissioner Dermot Shea and Mayor Bill de Blasio at a press conference in February. JOHN MINCHILLO/AP/SHUTTERSTOCK

Fabara racked up 42 of his 57 CCRB complaints while working as a sergeant on the 101st Precinct’s “anti-crime” team in 2005 and 2006—according to the Daily News, Fabara was the NYPD’s most complained-about officer that year.

According to the NYCLU data, Fabara’s 11 substantiated complaints came from five separate incidents, including an incident in September 2005 where he had improperly stopped and searched a 15-year-old boy.

In six of the cases where the CCRB recommended that Fabara should be charged by the NYPD, the police department declined to prosecute. Instead, the NYPD determined that any discipline would be handled by Fabara’s commanding officer.


For three other substantiated complaints against Fabara, the CCRB recommended that they be addressed to his superior, which the police commissioner upheld. After Fabara was found to have improperly questioned someone in August of 2014, Fabara received instructions.

One current NYPD officer who ran a command in the Bronx several years ago said police chiefs considering promotions do take CCRB complaints into consideration, though it’s just one factor in their decision-making. In some cases, police executives prioritize what they feel are the needs of a house, whether it’s a community-minded leader, an aggressive crimefighter, or efficient administrator.


“I've seen guys with very bad histories who are two- or three-star [chiefs] today,” said the former commanding officer. "Because you have a lot doesn't necessarily mean you're going to be dead in the water."

At the same time, the former commander said, “You got to lead by example. How does someone tell you or correct you to keep CCRBs down...when he’s notoriously himself accruing them? It’s kind of hard.”


The NYPD declined to make Fabara available for an interview.

Fabara is not the only commanding officer with a long history of complaints. Trailing behind him is Deputy Inspector Osvaldo Nuñez, leader of the 47th Precinct in the Bronx, with 50 CCRB complaints throughout his 24 years on the force.


Nuñez was also promoted despite being named in two misconduct lawsuits that cost taxpayers more than $400,000. And over the three years Nuñez led the 114th Precinct in Astoria, the number of CCRB complaints lodged against his officers rose 156%.


Only one CCRB complaint against Nuñez was deemed “substantiated.” In January 2001, investigators determined that Nuñez, who was four years into his career at the NYPD as an officer at the 30th Precinct in Upper Manhattan, beat a 33-year-old Hispanic man with his radio.


The CCRB recommended his case go before the NYPD’s Deputy Commissioner of Trials, and he was found not guilty in the resulting administrative hearing.

In 23 other cases, the complaints against Nuñez were unsubstantiated, meaning there was not enough evidence to prove that the incident did or did not occur. The majority of complaints made to the CCRB go “unsubstantiated,” for reasons that include poor investigations, a lack of compliance from witnesses, and NYPD stonewalling

.

Among Nuñez’s unsubstantiated cases: an incident where he allegedly strip-searched a man in 2002; another where he was accused of pepper spraying a man while serving as a sergeant in the Bronx’s 44th Precinct in 2007; and one case where he allegedly abused his authority by threatening a woman with arrest while serving as an executive officer in the 42nd Precinct in September 2014. By that point, Nuñez already had the rank of captain, though he was not officially in command of the precinct.


In another 18 complaints lodged against Nuñez, the CCRB “exonerated” him, meaning that they determined that his conduct was allowed under NYPD guidelines.

Former NYPD officers and commanding officers who spoke to Gothamist said that an officer’s CCRB record was not an important factor in deciding whether they should run a stationhouse. The former officers asked for anonymity so they could speak candidly about the internal workings of the NYPD.


"If the department had any kind of problem with him or others like him, they would put their careers in a box," one now-retired supervising officer said of Nuñez.

Nuñez, who has commanded the Bronx’s 47th Precinct since October, declined to comment for this story.


What is far more important than a CCRB record, according to this former commander, is an officer’s so-called Career Profile Index, the equivalent to a work history report, where points are assigned to you for any internal infraction, alleged or confirmed. Points are assigned to officers for any infractions that could range from CCRB complaints, low arrest numbers, or any probes by the Internal Affairs Bureau. The totality of an officer’s work history, not CCRB complaints, are then factored into whether to advance an officer.


"If that's their kind of attitude and orientation towards civilian complaints, I don't think it's a surprise then that officers who have complaint histories don't really suffer any adverse employment consequences,” said Darius Charney, executive director for the Center for Constitutional Rights, which represented plaintiffs in the landmark stop-and-frisk litigation against the NYPD.


“I think it's really a department-wide problem,” Charney continued. “And I think there's many of us in the civil rights and police accountability community who have long been very frustrated by the NYPD’s unwillingness, not only to hold officers accountable, but just their unwillingness to really take the CCRB process, the complaint process, seriously.”

Augie Aloia, a professor of criminal justice at Monroe College and a former NYPD sergeant, defended the promotions of officers with high numbers of CCRB complaints, particularly when an allegation is never substantiated.


“The more active or proactive—or if cops make a lot of arrests—they're going to have more interaction with the public,” Aloia said. “And the more interaction with the public, statistically, you're going to get complaints.”


According to the NYCLU’s records, the average number of total CCRB complaints among commanding officers is 9. Ten other officers currently running a command have sustained 20 or more CCRB complaints over their careers. NYPD Commissioner Dermot Shea sustained a single CCRB complaint while he was a uniformed officer.


Nuñez’s predecessor at the 114th Precinct in Queens, Captain Peter Fortune, has not had a single CCRB complaint lodged against him. Under the entirety of his 29-month tenure at the precinct, from May 2015 until September 2017, there were 65 CCRB complaints made against his officers. Under Nuñez’s command—which lasted for 25 months—there were 167.

As CCRB complaints rose in the 114th Precinct under Nuñez’s command, officers also conducted more police stops. In 2019, for instance, the number of stop and frisk encounters increased under Nuñez’s command, with data from the NYPD showing the 114th Precinct led with the most stop and frisk encounters than any other precinct in Queens, with 242 stops. The year before, the number had been 182.


Crime statistics from the 114th Precinct don’t show a drastic difference between the tenures of Fortune and Nuñez; major felonies saw a small increase under Nuñez, but misdemeanors slightly decreased.


The first lawsuit Nuñez was named in had stemmed from an incident that happened in Harlem’s 33rd Precinct in 2010, when officers assigned to the precinct allegedly beat several Black men in an aggressive stop and frisk encounter at a barbecue. One of the officers reportedly busted a man’s lip, beating him with a baton and pepper spraying him before being hauled off to jail.


The second incident happened in the Bronx’s 44th Precinct, where officers broke down the door to a basement apartment, allegedly shoving a gun in the face of the occupants before taking them to the station house. While there, one of the men was forced to take his clothes off, squat, and cough to determine if they were concealing contraband. Nothing was found.

In both instances, Nuñez was part of the executive leadership for each precinct. The city settled the 2011 case for $90,000; the 2012 case for $324,000.


The Captains Endowment Association, the union representing commanding officers, did not respond to a request for comment.

In a statement provided by the NYPD, the department said it does consider an officer’s CCRB complaint history and “a member’s adherence to any penalties imposed in the very few cases that are actually substantiated.” It also considers civil suits, especially if an officer was the subject of a lawsuit or is “merely named as a defendant which is generally the cases, as well as, if any wrongdoing was found on the part of the officer, which is generally not the case.”

The NYPD said they also consider an officer’s “record of fighting crime and providing safety in the neighborhoods they serve.”


The department insisted that officers are also “continuously evaluated,” not only through the number of CCRB complaints but whether they’re the subject of an Internal Affairs Bureau investigation, borough investigations, and in the crosshairs of command integrity control officers.


“I think that the problem is the culture,” said Maryanne Kaishian, an attorney with Brooklyn Defenders. “The people who are behaving violently and abusively against the people of New York are the culture of the NYPD. So, it's not that they don't fit in or that they're anomalies. They're rising through the ranks, and they're setting the tone for the entire department. And they're being rewarded for the exact type of policing that leads to people filing these complaints.”

August 31, 2020

What! You Noticed! NYC pols call for investigation of possible NYPD work slowdown

 EAST ELMHURST - NY - FEB. 05, 2019 - NYPD Officer Nicastro stand outside the 115 Precinct in the East Elmhurst section of Queens. (Luiz C. Ribeiro for New York Daily News)

DAILY NEWS

The city should launch an independent investigation of a possible work slowdown by NYPD officers, say a pair of pols from Brooklyn and the Bronx.

“Violence, especially gun violence, is heading in the wrong direction. So are NYPD response times,” Councilman Ritchie Torres (D-Bronx) told the Daily News on Sunday. “If you think those are purely coincidental, then I have the Brooklyn Bridge to sell you.”

He and Brooklyn Borough President Eric Adams recently wrote Department of Investigation Commissioner Margaret Garnett urging her to probe “whether there is in fact a work [slowdown] and to what extent crime has risen as a result.”

The duo cited spiking crime numbers and a published report suggesting there is a slowdown.

Councilman Ritchie Torres (D-Bronx) recently wrote Margaret Garnett, commissioner of the Department of Investigations.
Councilman Ritchie Torres (D-Bronx) recently wrote Margaret Garnett, commissioner of the Department of Investigations. (Angus Mordant/Angus Mordant)

Shooting incidents underwent a shocking 83% change from Jan. 1 to Aug. 23 compared to the same time frame last year, according to NYPD data. Murders had a 34.6% change.

Meanwhile, the NYPD is taking longer to respond to crimes than last summer, according to a NY1 report cited in Torres and Adams’ letter. Last month, the average response time was nine minutes and 41 seconds, up from eight minutes and 29 seconds a year earlier, the outlet reported.

“We have heard in recent months from a number of alarmed officers who are still on the force,” Adams said in a statement. “We urge the NYPD to cooperate fully so we can restore public trust and continue the vital work of keeping our city safe.”

Brooklyn Borough President Eric Adams recently wrote Margaret Garnett, commissioner of the Department of Investigations. "We are hereby requesting the New York City Department of Investigation (DOI) to investigate whether there is in fact a work slowdown and to what extent has crime has risen as a result."
Brooklyn Borough President Eric Adams recently wrote Margaret Garnett, commissioner of the Department of Investigations. "We are hereby requesting the New York City Department of Investigation (DOI) to investigate whether there is in fact a work slowdown and to what extent has crime has risen as a result." (Theodore Parisienne/New York Daily News)

Mayor de Blasio and NYPD brass have denied there’s a slowdown, with Police Commissioner Dermot Shea saying earlier this month, “When I hear that, it makes my blood boil. It’s absolutely not true.”

De Blasio’s office and the Department of Investigation, which has probed police handling of recent protests, did not immediately answer requests for comment.

“There’s certainly a perception among members of the public as well as elected officials that the growth in violence is driven by a slowdown,” said Torres, who chairs the Council’s Committee on Oversight and Investigations. “What we need is neither under-policing nor over-policing; what we need is balance.”

August 8, 2020

A Majority Of NYPD Officers Don't Live In New York City, New Figures Show

 A group of NYPD officers watch protesters outside of City Hall in early July.

51 percent of uniformed officers—which works out to 18,360 cops—currently live outside the city,

GOTHAMIST

Despite claims by Mayor Bill de Blasio that "more and more" NYPD officers live in the city they serve, new figures provided by the NYPD show that a majority of uniformed officers actually live outside of New York City. The numbers reflect a shift from four years ago, when a majority of cops lived in the five boroughs.

According to the police department, 51 percent of uniformed officers—which works out to 18,360 cops—currently live outside the city, with the rest having addresses in one of the five boroughs. The NYPD did not provide a breakdown by county.

Several weeks ago, NYPD Commissioner Dermot Shea claimed that "well over 50 percent" of the police department live in the city, but that percentage includes the NYPD's 19,000 civilian employees, who unlike uniformed officers, are required by law to live in the city.

Data provided to Gothamist in 2016 showed that 58 percent of officers lived in New York City. The NYPD’s Patrol Guide states that officers can reside in Westchester, Rockland, Orange, Putnam, Suffolk, and Nassau counties.

Kevin S. Parker | NY State SenateA residency requirement for NYPD officers has been debated over the years, with state Senator Kevin Parker [above] introducing the most recent legislation calling for such a requirement for new officers hired after December 31st, 2020.

Last month, Mayor de Blasio expressed skepticism about residency requirements for police officers. “A lot of NYPD officers who happen to be people of color are living in the suburbs for purely economic reasons, because they can’t find enough affordable housing here,” the mayor said. “We should have a real public debate about it. But we should be mindful that it’s not as easy an equation in New York city as it is in a lot of other places because of the pure cost of housing.”

 

July 7, 2020

Shootings overnight and Sunday in NYC kill at least 9, wound 41. NYPD Blames Reforms

A man was rushed to the hospital in critical condition with a gunshot wound to the head after he was shot outside of 549 Academy Street in Manhattan on Sunday, July 5.
DAILY NEWS

New York City turned into the Wild West as a series of shootings claiming at least 9 lives and wounding 41 others — including a Bronx teenager — erupted amid Fourth of July celebrations.
The shocking wave of violence came as the city was reeling from ongoing anti-police brutality protests, weeks of lockdown orders prompted by the coronavirus outbreak and soaring summer temperatures. Adding to the chaotic atmosphere, illegal fireworks exploded throughout the five boroughs all night long.
In Harlem, a 23-year-old was fatally shot on W. 116th St. near Morningside Park around 2:40 a.m.
This year’s spike in mayhem continued a worrisome surge in crime since coronavirus prompted authorities to shut down the city in mid-March.

June was especially violent, with 250 people shot in the first 28 days of the month, according to NYPD stats. That’s a massive spike compared to the 97 people shot in the same time period last year, and is the city’s most violent June on record since 1996, NYPD stats show.
So far, murders are up by 23% this year citywide, with 176 slayings as of June 28 compared to 143 during the same period last year. Even so, the city’s homicide rate remains far lower than the mid 1990s and even the mid-2000s. In 2006, the city saw 255 murders between Jan. 1 and June 28. 
A 20-year-old man was fatally shot on a Brooklyn street early Sunday, cops said. The victim was blasted in the chest in front of a house on Atkins Ave. near Pitkin Ave. in East New York about 12:40 a.m., police said.
Sunday’s shooters took advantage of an ongoing atmosphere of crisis, said Councilman Donovan Richards, who chairs the Council’s Public Safety Committee.
“The people exploiting this moment are sensing the division on the ground and they’re totally taking advantage of the streets, without a doubt,” the Queens Dem told The News.

“They sense division and therefore they understand they can take out their retribution on each other in ways they weren’t doing years ago because there was much more unity between the department and what was going on on the ground.”
In Harlem, a 23-year-old was fatally shot on W. 116th St. near Morningside Park around 2:40 a.m. A bullet hole is pictured in a vehicle nearby.

"Most Of Our Powers Were Taken Away": NYPD Blames Reforms For Increase In Violent Crime

GOTHAMIST

NYPD officials are largely blaming criminal justice reforms, coronavirus mitigation measures, and "anti-police rhetoric" for an increase in shootings, and a July 4th weekend that was marred by gun violence and 11 murders across the city.

"There is a multitude of reasons why shootings have increased in New York City," Chief of Crime Control Strategies Michael LiPetri told reporters at a press conference on Monday afternoon. "We have the knowledge to stop shootings; it’s unfortunate that most of our powers were taken away to stop the shootings. Knowledge is power? Well, we have the knowledge, we don’t have the power."
Yet the NYPD did not elaborate on what crime-fighting powers they have lost, nor did they say if record high unemploymentlost wages, or school cancellation due to the pandemic that has killed more than 24,000 New Yorkers and sickened countless more factored into their crime analysis.
According to the NYPD, there were 205 shootings in June of 2020, up from 89 in 2019, a 130 percent increase. Murders have also increased in New York by 23 percent for the first six months of 2020, from 147 to 181.
 
At a press conference on Monday afternoon, Chief LiPetri and Chief of Department Terence Monahan specifically singled out state bail reforms, a court system "shut down" by the pandemic, people released from Rikers Island due to COVID-19, City Council legislation that would ban chokeholds, the disbanding of the NYPD's anti-crime units that accounted for a disproportionate number of police shootings, and "the people who demoralized our men in blue, in so-called protest lines" for those increases.
A plainclothes officer wordlessly searching a man in the Bronx this past November.
LiPetri said that because of the state bail reforms, 3,000 people have accounted for approximately 9,000 arrests since the pandemic began, but it's unclear if those arrests are for violent crimes or misdemeanors, or how many of those people might have been released on bail and arrested again under the old 2019 bail laws. (The "new" bail reform laws are now old: the state legislature's rollback of those reforms took effect on Friday.)

Of the 2,500 people released from Rikers due to COVID-19 concerns since the pandemic began, nine have been "tied to violent acts around the city," including two murders, though LiPetri conceded that one of those individuals would have served out their sentence before the murder was committed.
And 136 people released because of new bail reform laws this year were "involved in a shooting or a murder," the NYPD said. But did that mean they were a witness, a person of interest, a victim, or a suspect? The police department couldn't say.

Other metrics the police cited as affecting crime were even less quantifiable, like the protests that "crushed the morale of our cops," as Chief Monahan put it.
"If you walk across the street at City Hall Park over there and take a look on the street, you see the communist hammer and sickle that they painted out on the street," Monahan said. "Are these the loud voices that we should be following?"


There is also legislation that prohibits the police from using chokeholds in New York City that was passed last month by the City Council, that is awaiting Mayor Bill de Blasio's signature. The law prevents officers from "restrain[ing] an individual in a manner that restricts the flow of air or blood by compressing the windpipe or the carotid arteries on each side of the neck, or sitting, kneeling, or standing on the chest or back in a manner that compresses the diaphragm."

Chief Monahan claimed that this law would lead to prosecutions of the police because officers frequently need to kneel on unruly arrestees, and that one of the city's five DA's told him privately that it was "unconstitutional."

"There is a fear going through the police officers now from the diaphragm law—I call it the diaphragm law not the chokehold law," Monahan said, name-checking the bill's main sponsor, Queens Councilmember Rory Lancman.

"Rory Lancman, who is in one of the safest and affluent neighborhoods in the city, has signed a bill that is going to affect people in economically deprived areas of the city and have violence, because police officers may be hesitant to step forward and grab someone for a quality-of-life offense, if during the course of that the person resists and their knee should accidentally end up on a person's back," Monahan charged.

Reached by telephone on Monday, Lancman told Gothamist, "My district is nearly three quarters people of color, and if Chief Monahan wants to come and talk to my constituents about their urgent desire for police reform, I'd be happy to make that connection."

Lancman pointed out that the NYPD's own patrol guide contains a prohibition on any move that "may prevent or hinder breathing or reduce intake of air."
"So unless Chief Monahan is confessing to the NYPD never taking its own patrol guide seriously, there is nothing for a well-trained, well-disciplined, and well-intentioned officer to fear from this bill," Lancman said.

After a violent weekend, NYPD Commissioner Dermot Shea says this is "the storm" he said was coming. Blames bail reform and even the recent choke hold bill for "crippled police" Top Cop Points to Low Prisoner Numbers at Rikers Amid Spike in Shootings

The council member, who sits on the council's public safety committee, is also calling for the removal of NYPD Commissioner Dermot Shea for what he described as "an utter failure on the part of the police commissioner to follow the law, accept civilian authority over the police department."
Lancman said, "He's basically thrown up his hands and said all these new reforms are baloney, I can't run the police department with all of these new reforms, I give up."

recent Vera Institute study surveyed the policing budgets of cities across the country. Cities with more police officers did not necessarily have lower rates of crime.
"Baltimore has had extremely high crime rates compared to New York, but the difference isn't the number of cops, the difference is that New York City has funded violence interruption and violence prevention programs for decades while Baltimore has done far less of that," Rahman explained.

"The investment should not be more police flooding these high crime neighborhoods, but actually more resources that help with food stability and housing stability and keeping people fundamentally safe and healthy during this crisis."