May 12, 2025

Republicans Propose Paring Medicaid Coverage but Steer Clear of Deeper Cuts

The proposal, which is to be considered this week by a key House panel, omits some of the furthest-reaching reductions to the health program but would leave millions without coverage or facing higher costs.

Republicans have toiled under House Speaker Mike Johnson to find $880 billion in savings over a decade and assemble a number of cuts large enough to meet that goal.Credit...Tierney L. Cross for The New York Times

By Margot Sanger-Katz and Catie Edmondson
Reporting from Washington
May 12, 2025Updated 5:14 p.m. ET


House Republicans released a plan late on Sunday that would cause millions of poor Americans to lose Medicaid health coverage and millions more to pay higher fees when they go to the doctor, but that stopped short of an overhaul that would make the deepest cuts to the program.

The proposal, which is one piece of a sweeping bill to enact President Trump’s domestic agenda, including large tax cuts and increased military spending, omits the structural changes to Medicaid that ultraconservative Republicans have demanded. Instead, it bows to the wishes of a group of more moderate and politically vulnerable G.O.P. lawmakers whose seats could be at risk if they embraced deep Medicaid cuts.

It was published late Sunday night by the House Energy and Commerce Committee, which under the G.O.P. budget blueprint had to find $880 billion in savings over a decade. The panel is scheduled to meet on Tuesday afternoon to debate and refine the package.

Republicans have toiled to assemble a number of cuts large enough to meet that goal, which fiscal hawks have insisted upon, while appeasing lawmakers from districts where Medicaid enrollment is widespread.

Overall, the legislation would reduce federal spending by an estimated $912 billion over the decade and cause 8.6 million people to become uninsured, according to a partial analysis from the Congressional Budget Office that was circulated by Democrats on the committee. Most of those cuts —$715 billion — would come from changes to Medicaid and the Affordable Care Act.

The legislation’s remaining savings would come largely from changes in energy policy, including the repeal of two Biden-era regulations that affect car pollution and auto efficiency.

But the Medicaid portion was the most divisive and is likely to continue to be the most hotly debated as the proposal — which must be approved by the committee and then pass the House and Senate — makes its way through Congress.

The legislation released on Sunday tries to split the difference between Republicans agitating for deep cuts to Medicaid and those eager to protect their states from changes that could force them to shoulder much higher costs. It excludes several policies under consideration that would create large holes in state budgets and instead focuses on policies that cause Medicaid beneficiaries, particularly those who were covered as part of an expansion under Obamacare, to pay more fees and complete more paperwork to use their coverage.

“Congress didn’t take an ax to the expansion group,” said Julian Polaris, a partner with Manatt Health, a consulting firm that focuses on Medicaid. “But they have made it much more challenging to get covered for that group, and to get care for that group.”

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It also adds a work requirement to Medicaid for poor, childless adults, mandating that they prove they are working 80 hours every month to stay enrolled. That is a less flexible version of a work requirement briefly imposed in Arkansas in 2018 that caused 18,000 people to rapidly lose coverage.



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Even some Republicans in the Senate who have been vocal about their opposition to cutting Medicaid benefits, including Senators Susan Collins of Maine and Josh Hawley of Missouri, have said they are open to adding some work requirements to the program. Mr. Trump, who has been adamant that he did not want to do anything that could be characterized as a Medicaid cut, has also endorsed the policy.

But despite the broad embrace of work requirements, the legislation notably delays implementation until January 2029, after the next presidential election.

But the legislation also ratchets up paperwork requirements across the program, by allowing states to check the income and residency of beneficiaries more often, and by permitting them to terminate coverage for people who do not respond promptly. The use of such strategies had been curtailed under a regulation published during the Biden administration.

An analysis of the paperwork change published by the Congressional Budget Office last week suggested that it would cause 2.3 million people to lose Medicaid coverage, many poor older and disabled people who are also enrolled in Medicare but use Medicaid to cover co-payments they cannot afford. Because this population is at special risk, the budget office found, the policy would cause only 600,000 more Americans to lose any form of health insurance, but it would cause many more to have trouble paying for medical care.

The bill would also require Medicaid beneficiaries who earn more than the federal poverty limit — around $15,650 for a single person — to pay higher co-payments for doctor visits. Typically, Medicaid requires very limited cost sharing from its beneficiaries, given their low incomes. The legislation would require co-payments of $35 for many medical services.

Democrats in Congress immediately assailed the package as an attack on health coverage for vulnerable populations.

“In no uncertain terms, millions of Americans will lose their health care coverage, hospitals will close, seniors will not be able to access the care they need, and premiums will rise for millions of people if this bill passes,” Representative Frank Pallone of New Jersey, the top Democrat on the Energy and Commerce Committee, said in a statement.

The bill also takes direct aim at a handful of states controlled by Democrats that fund health coverage for undocumented immigrants, who are barred under the law from enrolling in Medicaid. The legislation would reduce federal funding for all childless adults without disabilities to 80 percent from 90 percent if the state subsidized coverage for such people. The change would mean significant funding cuts to states including California, New York and Washington unless they eliminated their state programs that enroll undocumented people.

The legislation includes numerous other small changes to Medicaid, including one to prevent owners of expensive homes from obtaining nursing home coverage, another barring coverage of gender-affirming care for transgender minors and several provisions meant to purge the program’s rolls of ineligible immigrants and people who have died.

One provision is aimed squarely at reducing federal money for Planned Parenthood. The bill would prevent Medicaid from funding health providers that also offer abortion services. House Republicans inserted similar language into their unsuccessful legislation to repeal the Affordable Care Act — commonly known as Obamacare — in 2017.

The bill would also make numerous changes to enrollment processes for people who buy their own insurance coverage in Obamacare marketplaces. The legislation would shorten enrollment periods, tighten income verification, restrict access for immigrants in the Deferred Action for Childhood Arrivals program and make it harder for some people to automatically renew coverage at the end of the year.

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U.S.-China Trade Talks



Treasury Secretary Scott Bessent Jean-Christophe Bott/Keystone, via Associated Press


After a weekend of meetings in Geneva, the U.S. and China said they would temporarily cut the tariffs they have imposed on each other while they continue negotiations.

The U.S. said its tariffs on Chinese goods would be 30 percent, instead of 145 percent. China’s rate on American goods will be 10 percent, down from 125 percent.

The announcement delighted stock markets around the world.

US Air Travel: Flying Blind?


Newark Liberty International Airport Dakota Santiago for The New York Times

By Kate Kelly

I’m an investigative reporter in Washington, D.C.

It has been a scary few months for air travel.

Faltering technology in the air traffic control hub that watches over Newark Liberty International Airport has caused the radar system to fail at least twice in recent weeks. Airplanes have bumped wings in San Francisco and Washington, D.C.

And a number of commercial flights have aborted landings at Ronald Reagan Washington National Airport so far this month. On one occasion, it was because an Army helicopter was flying nearby — just months after a plane and a helicopter collided in the same airspace, killing 67 people.

The Federal Aviation Administration’s air traffic employees watch over nearly three million passengers and more than 45,000 flights per day. But the technology they rely on is in some cases wildly outdated. And it’s tough to find people who can operate it.

Glitchy systems

Air traffic controllers rely on two essential things: radar screens, which provide a visual representation of what’s going on in the air, and radio communications, which allow them to talk with pilots.

In certain cases, copper wiring, first developed in the 19th century, is used to transmit data from one place to another. Some systems still rely on floppy disks and compact discs. Flight records are occasionally printed out on slips of paper rather than relayed electronically.

The result is a hodgepodge network of software, parts and wires. Sometimes it works seamlessly; other times a single clipped wire takes out a controller’s radar entirely, leaving pilots with no means to be seen by the people who are supposed to be keeping them out of harm’s way.

Officials said that archaic technology was to blame for the recent outages at Newark. On April 28, some of Newark’s controllers lost both radar and radio. Though the outage lasted just 90 seconds, its effects cascaded for days, causing more than 1,800 flights to be delayed or canceled. Additional equipment outages followed on Friday and again yesterday morning.

Source: Flightradar24 | By The New York Times


Newer technology would make a difference, controllers and government officials say. And Transportation Secretary Sean Duffy has called for upgrades. But his modernization effort, announced on Thursday, needs approval from Congress. And it must be installed without disturbing the delicate network of flight monitoring that guides pilots through U.S. airspace 24 hours a day.

Low staffing

Another part of the problem is that the F.A.A.’s air traffic control hubs are chronically understaffed, especially in busy and complex airspaces like New York and Washington. Newark Airport’s work force is no exception.

Last year, in an effort to bulk up the F.A.A.’s staff, the agency moved 24 Newark controllers from their longtime base in Westbury, N.Y., to Philadelphia. The agency hoped the lower cost of living in that area might attract workers. But the relocation has so far been a bust, at least in part because of the equipment problems that are sidelining some workers.

After the April 28 outage at Newark, the controllers were so shaken that they are now taking time off to cope with the stress, people familiar with the matter told me. A trainee who had been in the room during the outage was discovered trembling in a hallway afterward. A controller cried when he got to his car.

The F.A.A. recently raised the starting salary for attendees of its controller training program, and it is offering a special $10,000 bonus to graduates who opt to work in “hard to staff” locations. But the preparations for overseeing an airspace like Newark’s are lengthy, controllers say; it takes years to train a newer employee, and a year or more for an experienced one.
Is it safe to fly?

As the summer travel season looms, a fix feels increasingly urgent.

Of course, flying in the U.S. is still far safer than driving in a car. Thousands of pilots, controllers and other safety workers keep passengers out of harm’s way every day. The midair collision in Washington in January was devastating, but it was also the first accident of that scale since 2009.

But considering the technological shortcomings, the uncertain path to making upgrades and the painful toll those glitches are taking on the controllers, it’s understandable that passengers flying in or out of Newark might now be taking a hard look at their upcoming flight plans.


Zelensky Agrees to Talks With Russia, After Trump Intervention

Ukrainian president said he would be waiting for Putin at peace talks proposed by the Russian president in Istanbul

By James Marson and Jane Lytvynenko

Updated May 11, 2025 4:33 pm ET

Russian President Vladimir Putin has said Moscow is ready for direct peace talks with Ukraine. PHOTO: GAVRIIL GRIGOROV/AGENCE FRANCE-PRESSE/GETTY IMAGES

Ukrainian President Volodymyr Zelensky challenged Vladimir Putin to meet him in Istanbul this week, after President Trump swung behind the Russian president’s offer of talks before a cease-fire.

Zelensky said he would be waiting for Putin in Turkey on Thursday, raising the stakes amid a flurry of diplomatic exchanges and brinkmanship over the weekend where both sides sought to balance not making any significant concessions, with placating Trump, who has demanded an end to the three-year war.

Putin didn’t immediately respond to Zelensky’s offer, which goes beyond the scope of the Russian leader’s suggestion of reviving peace talks among subordinates that petered out in 2022. Putin has repeatedly expressed disdain for Zelensky and questioned his legitimacy.

Trump’s support of the Russian president’s proposal, a switch in his position, had initially appeared to upend European efforts to bring pressure to bear on Russia to halt its war and hand a diplomatic victory to Putin. Putin a day earlier had rebuffed a cease-fire ultimatum from Kyiv and its Western allies,

Treasury Sec Bessent Hails ‘Productive’ U.S.-China Trade Talks

Treasury secretary cites progress and promises more details Monday; Beijing says the two sides agreed to start a formal negotiation process

By Brian Schwartz and Lingling Wei

Updated May 11, 2025 4:19 pm ET

Treasury Secretary Scott Bessent, left, and U.S. Trade Representative Jamieson Greer were in Geneva for trade talks with China. PHOTO: VALENTIN FLAURAUD/AGENCE FRANCE-PRESSE/GETTY IMAGES

Key Points

U.S. and China concluded high-level trade discussions in Geneva that U.S. officials said were ‘productive’.

Beijing said both sides will establish an ‘economic and trade consultation mechanism’ for recurring discussions.

Trump wants fairer trade with Beijing and to curb China’s role in fentanyl trafficking into the U.S.

GENEVA—Officials from the U.S. and China wrapped up their weekend, high-stakes trade talks, with Beijing saying the two sides agreed to start a formal negotiation process and Washington touting progress toward a deal.

The talks spanned at least eight hours Saturday and several hours Sunday, setting the stage for a potential thawing of trade relations between the world’s two largest economies. Since starting his second term, Trump has slapped 145% tariffs on Chinese goods while Beijing has hit back with 125% duties on American products. That has led bilateral trade to nearly dry up, heightening inflationary pressure in the U.S. and threatening to plunge China into a deep recession.

May 11, 2025

Can King Charles Heal a Royal Family Crisis Before It’s Too Late?

Prince Harry’s desperate plea to reconcile with his father highlighted a rupture that could undermine the monarchy’s attempts to model unity.


By Mark Landler

Reporting from LondonMay 11, 2025Updated 3:09 p.m. ET

King Charles III was busy last week marking the 80th anniversary of the Allied victory over Nazi Germany and preparing to fly to Canada to open its Parliament later this month. But his public schedule was eclipsed yet again by a highly publicized eruption from his estranged younger son, Prince Harry.

It has become a familiar pattern for the 76-year-old monarch. Two years after his coronation, his reign is shaping up as both eventful and oddly unchanging in its core narrative: that of a beleaguered father managing a messy brood.

Harry’s emotional plea to be reconciled with his family — made in a recent interview with the BBC, in which he mused about how long his cancer-stricken father had left to live — resurfaced bitter ruptures within the royal family, which has yet to find its footing in the still-fledgling Carolean era.

“There is an overhang in the way we see Charles’s reign,” said Ed Owens, a historian who writes about the British monarchy. “It hasn’t really gotten going, nor are we sure how long it will last.”

To be sure, the king has done a lot. Despite undergoing weekly treatments for cancer diagnosed last year, he traveled to France, Australia, Poland and Italy. He found time to curate a playlist for Apple Music (Kylie Minogue and Bob Marley feature), played host at state banquets and posed for portraits.

But Harry’s comments, which came after a legal defeat over his security arrangements in Britain, dragged attention back to the rift that opened in 2020 when he and his wife, Meghan, withdrew from royal life and moved to California.

ImageCatherine, Princess of Wales; William, Prince of Wales; Harry, Duke of Sussex; and Meghan, Duchess of Sussex, at Windsor Castle in 2022.Credit...Pool photo by Kirsty O'Connor


Some royal watchers warn that unless Charles finds a way to heal that rift, it could define his reign, undercutting the messages of tolerance and inclusiveness that he has long championed.

“When history comes to be written about the king, this will reflect badly on him,” said Peter Hunt, a former royal correspondent for the BBC. “He represents an institution that is about family, unity and fostering forgiveness. His role is to bring people together, and yet he can’t bring people together on his doorstep.”

Buckingham Palace has declined to comment on the king’s relationship with his son. But it pushed back on Harry’s contention in the BBC interview that his father could have done more to spare him the loss of automatic, publicly funded police protection when he visits Britain.

“All of these issues have been examined repeatedly and meticulously by the courts, with the same conclusion reached on each occasion,” a spokesman for the palace said in an unusually tart statement.

An appeals court ruled on May 2 that a government committee had acted properly in denying Harry automatic protection after he stopped being a working royal. He said he does not think it is safe to bring his wife and children home without such security.

The palace appealed to journalists not to focus on the family drama during a week dedicated to V-E Day commemorations. Far from calming the waters, Mr. Hunt said, that had the effect of keeping the spotlight on Harry longer than necessary.

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“It’s a private issue but they are using the full weight of the institution to respond to him,” Mr. Hunt said.

Image
King Charles, Queen Camilla, William, Prince of Wales, and Catherine, Princess of Wales, marking the 80th Anniversary of V-E Day at Westminster Abbey, on Thursday.Credit...Pool photo by Julian Simmonds

Harry remains estranged from his older brother, Prince William, as well as his father, which adds to the portrait of a family divided and diminished. When the royals gathered on the balcony of Buckingham Palace to watch a flyover of war planes last week, their ranks were noticeably sparse.

The king’s younger brother, Prince Andrew, is still in internal exile, following the scandal over his ties to the disgraced sex predator Jeffrey Epstein. Andrew’s history also resurfaced in recent weeks with the death of Virginia Giuffre, a woman introduced to him by Mr. Epstein, with whom he later settled a sexual abuse lawsuit. Her family said she died by suicide in Australia.

For William, the loss of Harry and Andrew, as well as his father’s illness, has thrust him into a more conspicuously public role.

He met with President Trump last year at the reopening of Notre Dame Cathedral in Paris. He rode on a tank during a visit to British troops in Estonia. And he represented his father at the funeral of Pope Francis last month, which came only days after Charles and his wife, Queen Camilla, met Francis at the Vatican.

“William has sometimes been seen as work-shy, but we see him gravitating toward bigger, more media-friendly events,” said Mr. Owens, the historian. “He’s burnishing his reputation as a statesman.”

William has put much of his energy into a program to tackle homelessness in six cities across Britain and Northern Ireland. Like his father, he continues to be active on climate change, though Mr. Owens said both had modulated their voices as net-zero targets have become politically fraught.

Image
Prince William discussing a supportive housing project for people with mental health issues, in February. His father’s illness and the estrangement of his brother have thrust him into a greater public role. Credit...Pool photo by Henry Nicholls


The heir to the throne made perhaps his biggest splash with the British public when he offered astute sports commentary last month before a Champions League game pitting his favorite soccer club, Aston Villa, against Paris Saint-Germain. One of the hosts, Rio Ferdinand, joked that he could take his job.

The job that William does not want, at least for now, is his father’s. But fears over the king’s health have made talk of succession inescapable. In late March, Charles was briefly hospitalized after a reaction to his medication. The palace insisted it was a minor bump on the road to recovery, but it set off alarm bells at British broadcasters, for whom the passing of a monarch sets in motion substantial coverage.

Nothing in the king’s calendar suggests he is slowing down. If anything, he has embraced his duties with a zeal that royal watchers say is either evidence of a robust recovery or the mark of a man who knows he has limited time.

Trump Administration Updates: Judge Pauses Plans for Mass Layoffs

Updated May 10, 2025

Of all the lawsuits challenging President Trump’s vision to dramatically scale back the form and function of the federal government, the one now paused by a federal judge in California is poised to have the broadest effect yet.Credit...Haiyun Jiang for The New York Times

Where Things Stand

Mass layoffs: A federal judge in California called for a two-week pause in the Trump administration’s mass layoff plans, barring two dozen agencies from moving forward with the largest phase of the president’s downsizing efforts, which the judge said was illegal without Congress’s authorization. Read more ›


Immigration: A top aide to President Trump, Stephen Miller, told reporters that the administration was considering whether to suspend the right of migrants to challenge their detentions in court. “The Constitution is clear,” he said outside the White House, arguing that the right, known as a writ of habeas corpus, “could be suspended in time of invasion.” Read more ›


Safety board firings: Mr. Trump has moved to fire three Democratic members of the agency that monitors the safety of products like cribs, toys and electronics. The members of the agency, the Consumer Product Safety Commission, assert that their removals are illegal, and similar firings at independent agencies established by Congress are being fought in the courts. Read more ›


Trade war: Ahead of trade talks with China this weekend, Mr. Trump said he was open to lowering his tariffs on goods from China to 80 percent, from 145 percent. He also told reporters he would not be disappointed if a deal is not reached right away, arguing that not doing business is also a good deal for the United States. Read more ›

May 10, 2025

Of Trump Appointees Patel & Noem

Heather Cox Richardson

May 10

Federal Bureau of Investigation director Kash Patel, who did not have experience in law enforcement when he took the job, has drawn criticism from current and former officials in the FBI and the Department of Justice, which oversees the FBI, for reducing FBI briefings, traveling frequently on personal matters, and appearing repeatedly at pro sporting events.

Yesterday Patel showed up at a hearing for the Senate Appropriations Commerce, Justice, and Science Subcommittee on the FBI’s spending plan for 2025, but he had not produced the plan, which by law was supposed to have been turned over more than a week ago. When Senator Patty Murray (D-WA) called the absence of the plan “absurd” and asked Patel when they could expect the plan, he answered he did not have a timeline.

Stacey Young, a former DOJ lawyer who co-founded Justice Connection, which supports current and former DOJ employees under pressure from the administration, told NBC’s Ken Dilanian: “There’s a growing sense among the ranks that there’s a leadership void. And that the highest echelons of the bureau are more concerned about currying favor with the president, retribution, and leaks than the actual work.”

Senator Chris Murphy (D-CT) took Homeland Security Secretary Kristi Noem even more fully to task. At a meeting of the Senate Appropriations Subcommittee on Homeland Security yesterday, Murphy told Noem: “[Y]our department is out of control. You are spending like you don’t have a budget,” he said. “You are on the verge of running out of money for the fiscal year…. You're on track to trigger the Anti-Deficiency Act. That means you are going to spend more money than you have been allocated by Congress. This is a rare occurrence, and it is wildly illegal. Your agency will be broke by July, over two months before the end of the fiscal year.”

The obsession with the border, he continued, “has left the country unprotected elsewhere…. To fund the border, you have illegally gutted spending for cybersecurity. As we speak, Russian and Chinese hackers are having a field day attacking our nation. You have withdrawn funds for disaster prevention. Storms are going to kill more people in this country because of your illegal withholding of these funds.”

Does Stephan Miller Control Foreign Policy?

White House deputy chief of staff Stephen Miller told reporters today that voters elected Trump to “deport the illegals” and that “Marxist” judges frustrating that effort are attacking democracy. In fact, Trump convinced many voters that he would deport only violent criminals, and they are now aghast at the scenes unfolding as masked agents grab women and children from their cars and sweep up U.S. citizens.

In The Bulwark today, Adrian Carrasquillo explained how podcasters, sports YouTubers, and comedians, including Joe Rogan, have brought the rendition of Venezuelan migrants to El Salvador onto the radar screen of Trump voters. Americans now disapprove of Trump’s immigration policies by 53% to 46%.

Miller made an even bigger power grab when he said “we’re actively looking at” suspending the writ of habeas corpus, a legal change that essentially establishes martial law by permitting the government to arrest people and hold them without charges or a trial. Legal analyst Steve Vladeck explains that Miller’s justification for such a suspension is dead wrong, and suggests Miller’s threat appears to be designed to put more pressure on the courts.

But in this chaotic administration, it seems worth asking who the “we” is in Miller’s statement. In the group chat about striking the Houthis, when administration officials were discussing—without the presence of either the Chairman of the Joint Chiefs of Staff or the president himself—what was the best course of action, it was Miller who ultimately decided to launch a strike simply by announcing what he claimed were Trump’s wishes.

An American Selected to be Pope


Pope Leo XIV Gianni Cipriano for The New York Times



By Tom Wright-Piersanti

“The idea of an American pope was unimaginable for generations,” Jason Horowitz, our Rome bureau chief, noted yesterday. Why would church leaders pick a pope from a global superpower that shapes world affairs?

Yet the cardinals in the Sistine Chapel chose Robert Francis Prevost, a 69-year-old Chicago native, as the 267th pope of the Roman Catholic Church. He has adopted the papal name Leo XIV. He’s the first American to hold the job.

Prevost has lived outside the U.S. for much of his life, and many in the Vatican view him as a churchman who transcends borders, Jason wrote. Today’s newsletter will guide you through The Times’s coverage of the new pope and his views.
Chicago to Peru

Robert Prevost, newly ordained, greets Pope John Paul II in 1982. St. Mary of the Assumption

Prevost grew up in a suburb just south of Chicago. His father was a school principal. His mother, a librarian, was deeply involved in their local Catholic parish, St. Mary of the Assumption, on the city’s Far South Side. His maternal grandparents were Creole people of color who moved north from New Orleans.

Julie Bosman, our Chicago bureau chief, interviewed Father William Lego, who has known Prevost since high school. “They picked a good man,” he said. “He had a good sense of right and wrong, always working with the poor.”

Prevost earned a degree in math from Villanova University and then a divinity degree at Catholic Theological Union in Chicago. Not long after, he moved abroad.

He lived for two decades in Peru as a missionary, priest, teacher and eventually a bishop — a role for which he became a naturalized citizen of Peru. Prevost led a diocese in Chiclayo, in a region of the country where flooding is common. He would often deliver food and other supplies to remote areas himself, sometimes carrying bags of rice on his back, one priest told my colleague Genevieve Glatsky.

Father Pedro Vásquez, another priest in Chiclayo, told The Times that he was so excited about the news that “my heart is going to fail me!”

Under Pope Francis, Prevost held one of the most influential Vatican posts, running the office that selects and manages bishops globally. His knowledge of the Vatican’s inner workings made him an attractive choice to the Roman Curia, the powerful bureaucracy that governs the church, our reporters in Vatican City wrote.

But at least one element of Prevost’s American childhood has stuck with him: Those close to him say he’s a baseball fan, and he has been known to explain the rules of the game to his Italian friends. (Prevost’s brother said the new pope roots for the White Sox — and also told WGN, a TV station in Chicago, that he enjoys Wordle.)
The pope’s politics

Francis appointed Prevost as a cardinal in 2023, and the two share some views of the church. Prevost told the Vatican’s official news website last year that bishops were called to “suffer with” the people they served, echoing Francis’ focus on the poor.

But the two may diverge on other points. In 2012, Prevost expressed concerns about what he called the “homosexual lifestyle.” A year later, the newly elected Francis made headlines when he said of gay people, “Who am I to judge?”

More recently, a social media account under Prevost’s name has taken aim at President Trump, according to my colleague Lisa Lerer, who covers politics. In 2018, the account shared a post from Cardinal Blase Cupich that said there was “nothing remotely Christian, American or morally defensible” about the administration’s policy of separating migrant children from their parents.

And in April, after Vice President JD Vance used a Catholic teaching to defend the Trump administration’s deportation policies, the account posted an article titled “JD Vance is wrong.”

Vance did not seem to hold a grudge. “Congratulations to Leo XIV, the first American Pope, on his election!” he wrote on social media yesterday. “I’m sure millions of American Catholics and other Christians will pray for his successful work leading the Church.”

The American faithful cheer the new pope. Gianni Cipriano for The New York Times



By Patricia Mazzei

The tens of thousands of faithful who were crammed into St. Peter’s Square exchanged befuddled looks when Cardinal Robert Francis Prevost was announced as pope from the balcony of St. Peter’s Basilica. Who? People started searching his name on their phones.

“I think they just elected an American pope,” said Nicole Serena, 21, a student who is in Rome studying marketing.

Wait — an American?

Some faces fell.

“Maybe he’s a good guy?” said Catalina Zaza, 27, an Argentine art student in Rome. “We don’t know.”

A little over an hour earlier, when white smoke billowed from the chimney, some people hugged. Others raised their hands to rejoice in prayer. When the new pontiff was announced as Pope Leo XIV, the crowd began to chant, “Papa Leone!”

Then Leo stepped out. Onlookers shrieked with delight. “Peace be with you,” he said in Italian.

Only once Leo paid homage to Francis did many of those gathered appear to relax. Zaza and her friend Sofía Basanes, 30, also from Argentina, started to nod at the new pope’s calls for peace, justice, dialogue and love. Next to them, a young priest sobbed and an older nun’s eyes glistened with tears.

And when Leo began to speak in Spanish, the crowd broke into enthusiastic applause. “He lived in Peru!” one man yelled in Spanish. “Peruuuu!” Leo did not speak in English or mention the United States.

By the end, Basanes was crying, along with quite a few others around her. “We have so much faith in Pope Francis’ legacy,” she said.
More reactions

Across the U.S., news of Leo’s election was greeted with surprise — and delight. “I never thought it would happen,” said Tom Keane in Boston. “Not in my lifetime.”
On social media, Trump called Leo’s ascent a “Great Honor for our Country.”
Two priests reflected on what it feels like to see an old friend, known to them as Bob, become pope. “The papacy is certainly not something that I could ever see Bob Prevost aspire to,” one said. “I think he was just doing what he felt God was calling him to do.”

See photos from the moment Pope Leo emerged onto the balcony overlooking St. Peter’s Square.

Leo XIV celebrated his first mass as pontiff this morning in the Sistine Chapel.
The pope’s choice of the name Leo XIV is a clear reference to the last Leo, who led the church from 1878 to 1903 and helped marshal it into the modern world.
Leo’s priorities for the papacy seem to echo Francis’. He could turn out to be a countervailing voice against America’s newly powerful strain of right-leaning Catholics.

Hunger, Sickness and Crime Stalk Gaza Under Israel’s Blockade


Food is scarce and morale is fading after glimpse of normalcy during this year’s cease-fire was shattered by return to fighting


By Feliz Solomon

May 9, 2025 9:30 am ET


Key Points

Gaza faces a breakdown of law and order due to hunger, collapsed governance and conflict since a ceasefire ended in March.


Israel’s blockade, the war’s longest, is defended as a means to pressure Hamas to release hostages and prevent aid diversion.


Gazans are protesting Hamas and are desperate as restaurants close, food is scarce, and fights over resources increase.


What most. en Israel blockaded the Gaza Strip in early March, banning entry of all aid and other goods, Fady Abed, a dentist who works for a medical nonprofit there, thought it would last a few weeks

Months later, he can’t believe how much things have fallen apart.

In Gaza City, where he lives, community kitchens are closing because they have nothing left to cook. Each day, clinics run by his organization, MedGlobal, are visited by more malnourished children he described as “skin and bones.”

At night, a mix of hungry men and opportunistic gangsters roam the streets looking for places to loot. In the absence of authorities, armed vigilantes chase down and beat up suspected thieves. He worries about break-ins, because he has a bag of flour in his home.

“Things can’t continue like this,” Abed said. “We just won’t survive.”

Since Israel imposed the blockade—now the longest of the war set off by Hamas’s deadly Oct. 7, 2023, attacks on southern Israel—the territory is descending into a state of chaos. Residents and aid workers say they have seen a breakdown of law and order amid the perfect storm of hunger, collapsed governance and intensifying conflict since March, when a two-month cease-fire fell apart.

“I’ve been doing this kind of work for two decades and I’ve never seen anything like it,” said Claire Manera, an emergency coordinator for the nonprofit Doctors Without Borders, speaking from Deir al-Balah in central Gaza. At night, she hears the sounds of gunshots and men shouting outside her compound.
Tents of displaced Palestinians in the Jabalia refugee camp, northern Gaza. PHOTO: MAHMOUD ISSA/REUTERS
Children wait for food to be distributed in Khan Younis, southern Gaza. PHOTO: DOAA EL-BAZ/ZUMA PRESS

Israel has defended the blockade, saying Hamas reroutes aid to support its operations and that the pressure is needed to convince the militant group to release the roughly two dozen hostages it still holds. It says supplies built up in Gaza during the cease-fire and it is working on a plan to distribute aid with the help of American contractors that it says would circumvent Hamas.

The toll of the war in Gaza has been immense. Most of its two million people have been displaced at least once; swaths of the enclave have been reduced to rubble; there are persistent shortages of medicine and daily necessities; and more than 52,000 have been killed, according to Palestinian authorities, who don’t say how many were combatants.

The return to fighting has been especially hard to bear for a population that got a brief taste of relative normalcy during the cease-fire. With no clear progress in negotiations, the fighting is set to get worse.

May 9, 2025

How Will We Know When We Have Lost Our Democracy?

May 8, 2025


By Steven LevitskyLucan Way and Daniel Ziblatt
The authors are political scientists who study how democracies come to an end.


Authoritarianism is harder to recognize than it used to be. Most 21st-century autocrats are elected. Rather than violently suppress opposition like Castro or Pinochet, today’s autocrats convert public institutions into political weapons, using law enforcement, tax and regulatory agencies to punish opponents and bully the media and civil society onto the sidelines. We call this competitive authoritarianism — a system in which parties compete in elections but the systematic abuse of an incumbent’s power tilts the playing field against the opposition. It is how autocrats rule in contemporary Hungary, India, Serbia and Turkey and how Hugo Chávez ruled in Venezuela.

The descent into competitive authoritarianism doesn’t always set off alarms. Because governments attack their rivals through nominally legal means like defamation suits, tax audits and politically targeted investigations, citizens are often slow to realize they are succumbing to authoritarian rule. More than a decade into Mr. Chávez’s rule, most Venezuelans still believed they lived in a democracy.

How, then, can we tell whether America has crossed the line into authoritarianism? We propose a simple metric: the cost of opposing the government. In democracies, citizens are not punished for peacefully opposing those in power. They need not worry about publishing critical opinions, supporting opposition candidates or engaging in peaceful protest because they know they will not suffer retribution from the government. In fact, the idea of legitimate opposition — that all citizens have a right to criticize, organize opposition to and seek to remove the government through elections — is a foundational principle of democracy.

Under authoritarianism, by contrast, opposition comes with a price. Citizens and organizations that run afoul of the government become targets of a range of punitive measures: Politicians may be investigated and prosecuted on baseless or petty charges, media outlets may be hit with frivolous defamation suits or adverse regulatory rulings, businesses may face tax audits or be denied critical contracts or licenses, universities and other civic institutions may lose essential funding or tax-exempt status, and journalists, activists and other critics may be harassed, threatened or physically attacked by government supporters.

When citizens must think twice about criticizing or opposing the government because they could credibly face government retribution, they no longer live in a full democracy.

By that measure, America has crossed the line into competitive authoritarianism. The Trump administration’s weaponization of government agencies and flurry of punitive actions against critics has raised the cost of opposition for a wide range of Americans.

The Trump administration has taken (or credibly threatened) punitive action against a strikingly large number of individuals and organizations that it considers its opponents. It has, for example, selectively deployed law enforcement agencies against critics. President Trump directed the Department of Justice to open investigations into Christopher Krebs (who as the head of the Cybersecurity and Infrastructure Security Agency publicly contradicted Mr. Trump’s false claims of election fraud in 2020) and Miles Taylor (who, when he was a Department of Homeland Security official, anonymously wrote an opinion piece criticizing the president in 2018). The administration has also opened a criminal investigation into Letitia James, the attorney general of New York, who filed a lawsuit against Mr. Trump in 2022.

The administration has targeted major law firms for retribution. It effectively prohibited the federal government from hiring Perkins Coie; Paul, Weiss; and other leading law firms it perceived as friendly to the Democratic Party. It also threatened to cancel their clients’ government contracts and suspended their employees’ security clearances, preventing them from working on many cases related to the government.

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Credit...Mandel Ngan/Agence France-Presse — Getty Images

Donors to the Democratic Party and other progressive causes also face political retribution. In April, Mr. Trump directed the attorney general to investigate the fund-raising practices of ActBlue, the Democratic Party’s main donor platform, in an apparent effort to weaken his rivals’ fund-raising infrastructure. Major Democratic donors now fear retribution in the form of tax and other investigations. Some have hired additional legal counsel to prepare for tax audits, congressional investigations or lawsuits. Others have moved assets abroad.

Like many autocratic governments, the Trump administration has targeted the media. Mr. Trump has sued ABC News, CBS News, Meta, Simon & Schuster and The Des Moines Register. The lawsuits appear to have weak legal bases, but because media outlets like ABC and CBS are owned by conglomerates with other interests affected by federal government decisions, a prolonged legal battle against a sitting president could be costly.


At the same time, the administration has politicized the Federal Communications Commission and deployed it against independent media. It opened an investigation of fund-raising practices by PBS and NPR, potentially as a prelude to funding cuts. It also reinstated complaints against ABC, CBS and NBC for anti-Trump bias while opting not to reinstate a complaint against Fox News for promoting lies about the 2020 election.

Remarkably, these attacks against opponents and the media have occurred with even greater speed and force than equivalent actions taken by elected autocrats in Hungary, India, Turkey or Venezuela during their first years in office.

Mr. Trump has also followed other autocrats in assaulting universities. The Department of Education opened investigations into at least 52 universities for their participation in diversity, equity and inclusion programs, and it has placed some 60 universities under investigation for antisemitism, threatening them with severe penalties. The administration illegally suspended hundreds of millions of dollars in approved funding to leading schools such as Brown, Columbia, Princeton and the University of Pennsylvania. It has frozen $2.2 billion in government grants to Harvard, asked the I.R.S. to revoke the university’s tax-exempt status and threatened to revoke its eligibility to host foreign students. As Jonathan Friedman, the managing director of free-expression programs at PEN America, put it, “It feels like any day, any university could step out of line in some way and then have all of their funding pulled.”

Finally, Republican politicians face threats of violence if they oppose Mr. Trump. Fear of violence from his supporters reportedly dissuaded some Republican lawmakers from voting for his impeachment and conviction after the Jan. 6, 2021, attack. Republican senators were also threatened during confirmation hearings in early 2025. Senator Thom Tillis, Republican of North Carolina, reported that the F.B.I. warned him of “credible death threats” while he was considering opposing Pete Hegseth’s nomination as secretary of defense.

For many American citizens and organizations, then, the cost of opposition has risen markedly. Although these costs are not as high as in dictatorships like Russia — where critics are routinely imprisoned, exiled or killed — America has, with stunning speed, descended into a world in which opponents of the government fear criminal investigations, lawsuits, tax audits and other punitive measures and even Republican politicians are, as one former Trump administration official put it, “scared” out of their minds “about death threats.”

This is not the first time that critics of the U.S. government have been harassed, threatened or punished: Dissidents were targeted during the Red Scares of 1919 and ’20 and the McCarthy era, the F.B.I. harassed civil rights leaders and left-leaning activists for decades, and the Nixon administration attempted to use the I.R.S. and other agencies to attack his rivals. These measures were clearly undemocratic, but they were more limited in scope than those occurring today. And Mr. Nixon’s efforts to politicize the government triggered his resignation, in part, and a set of reforms that helped curtail such abuse after 1974.

The half-century after Watergate was America’s most democratic. Not only did the Trump presidency put an abrupt end to that era, but it is also the first — at least since the Adams administration’s persecution of the Jeffersonian Democrats in the 1790s — to systematically target both the mainstream partisan opposition and a broad sector of civil society.

The administration’s authoritarian offensive has had a clear impact. It has changed how Americans behave, forcing them to think twice about engaging in what should be constitutionally protected opposition. Consequently, many of the politicians and societal organizations that should serve as watchdogs and checks on the executive are silencing themselves or retreating to the sidelines.


For example, fear of retribution has had a chilling effect on donations to Democrats and progressive civic organizations, forcing several of them to scale back operations and lay off employees. In the wake of Mr. Trump’s attacks on leading law firms, opponents of the administration are struggling to find legal representation, as deep-pocketed and reputable firms that once readily engaged in legal battles with the government are lying low to avoid his wrath. Columbia University ceded to the administration’s extortionary demands for greater restrictions on student expression. As Mr. Trump observed, “You see what we’re doing with the colleges, and they’re all bending and saying, ‘Sir, thank you very much.’”

There are troubling signs of media self-censorship. CBS’s parent company, Paramount, which is seeking the Trump administration’s approval for a merger with Skydance Media, recently established additional oversight over “60 Minutes” programming. This move triggered the resignation of the program’s longtime executive producer, Bill Owens, who cited a loss of journalistic independence.

And crucially, Republican lawmakers have abdicated their role as checks on executive power. As Senator Lisa Murkowski, Republican of Alaska, put it, “We are all afraid. It’s quite a statement. But we are in a time and a place where I certainly have not been here before. And I’ll tell you, I’m oftentimes very anxious myself about using my voice, because retaliation is real. And that’s not right.”

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Credit...Ash Adams for The New York Times

Americans are living under a new regime. The question now is whether we will allow it to take root.

So far, American society’s response to this authoritarian offensive has been underwhelming — alarmingly so. Civic leaders confront a difficult collective action problem. A vast majority of American politicians, chief executives, law partners, newspaper editors and university presidents prefer to live in a democracy and want to end this abuse. But as individuals confronting government threats, they have incentives to appease, rather than oppose, the Trump administration.

Civil society leaders seek to protect their organizations from government attacks: Chief executives need to protect shareholders and future business opportunities, media owners must avoid costly defamation suits and adverse regulatory rulings, and university presidents seek to avoid devastating funding cuts. For any individual leader, then, the price of defiance can often appear unbearably steep. Although they acknowledge that everyone would be better off if someone took the lead and defied Mr. Trump, few are willing to pay the price themselves. This logic has led some of America’s most influential figures, including politicians, billionaires, chief executives and university presidents, to stay on the sidelines, hoping that someone else steps forward.

Strategies of self-preservation have led too many civil society leaders to retreat into silence or acquiesce to authoritarian bullying. Small acts of acquiescence, framed as necessary defensive measures, feel like the only reasonable course. But this is the fatal logic of appeasement: the belief that quietly yielding in small, seemingly temporary ways will mitigate long-term harm.

It usually doesn’t. And acts of individual self-preservation have serious collective costs. For one, acquiescence will probably embolden the administration, encouraging it to intensify and broaden its attacks. Autocrats rarely entrench themselves in power through force alone; they are enabled by the accommodation and inaction of those who might have resisted. Appeasement, as Churchill warned, is like feeding a crocodile and hoping to be the last one eaten.

Individual acquiescence also weakens America’s overall democratic defenses. Although the retreat of a single donor or law firm may not matter that much, collective retreat could leave opponents of the Trump administration without adequate funding or legal protection. The cumulative effect on public opinion of every newspaper story not published, every speech or sermon not delivered and every news conference not held can be substantial. When the opposition plays dead, the government usually wins.

The acquiescence of our most prominent civic leaders sends a profoundly demoralizing message to society. It tells Americans that democracy is not worth defending — or that resistance is futile. If America’s most privileged individuals and organizations are unwilling or unable to defend democracy, what are ordinary citizens supposed to do?

The costs of opposition are surmountable. And importantly, the descent into authoritarianism is reversible. Pro-democracy forces have successfully resisted or reversed backsliding in recent years in Brazil, Poland, Slovakia, South Korea and elsewhere.

America’s courts remain independent and will almost certainly block some of the administration’s most abusive measures. But judges — themselves targets of violent threats, government harassment and even arrest — cannot save democracy on their own. Broader societal opposition is essential.

American civil society has the financial and organizational muscle to resist Mr. Trump’s authoritarian offensive. It has several hundred billionaires; dozens of law firms that earn at least a billion dollars a year; more than 1,700 private universities and colleges; a vast infrastructure of churches, labor unions, private foundations and nonprofit organizations; and a well-organized and well-financed opposition party.

But civil society must act collectively. Chief executives, law firms, universities, media outlets and Democratic politicians, as well as more traditional Republicans, have a common interest in preserving our constitutional democracy. When organizations work together and commit to a collective defense of democratic principles, they share the costs of defiance. The government cannot attack everyone all at once. When the costs of defiance are shared, they become easier for individuals to bear.

So far, the most energetic opposition has come not from civic leaders but from everyday citizens, showing up at congressional town hall meetings or participating in Hands Off rallies across the country.America’s slide into authoritarianism is reversible. But no one has ever defeated autocracy from the sidelines.

May 8, 2025

Trump Proposes a100 percent tariff on movies made outside America.



Jenna Schoenefeld for The New York Times

By German Lopez

Hollywood recently got the Trump tariff treatment. On Sunday, the president announced a 100 percent tariff on movies made outside America. Filmmakers said the move would hurt U.S. filmmaking. Shares for Netflix and other entertainment companies fell. The next day, the White House said no tariff would take effect.

We’ve seen this before for other sectors of the economy. But why would President Trump think Hollywood could benefit from more protectionism? Today’s newsletter looks at the headwinds the industry faces.

Hollywood’s problems

When Trump talks tariffs, he typically speaks about manufacturing. He invokes American industries that have fallen from grace — steel, coal, cars — and the physical goods that they once made for the world. He complains that the United States imports more goods than it exports, leading to a trade deficit.

On set in Montana. Janie Osborne for The New York Times


Hollywood doesn’t fit that description. It remains the world’s dominant moviemaking industry. American film exports are three times as high as imports, according to the Motion Picture Association. Movies are also a service; the product is entertainment, not a physical good. And unlike with goods, the United States has a nearly $300 billion trade surplus with services.

Still, Hollywood has problems. For one, fewer movies are made in Los Angeles nowadays. Filming has moved to other states and, increasingly, overseas. Other countries offer cheaper labor and tax credits for filmmakers. This has erased jobs once held by Americans. “WE WANT MOVIES MADE IN AMERICA, AGAIN!” Trump posted online.

Tariffs, however, are a messy solution to Hollywood’s problems.

A levy on a Chinese-made phone is simply applied to the value of that product. But what would a tariff on movies look like? Would it apply to the production costs? Box office earnings? Would it depend on how much of a movie is filmed and edited abroad? What about movies — think of “James Bond” or “Harry Potter” — that require overseas filming? Would the toll apply to TV shows? Filmmakers say that a 100 percent tariff will force them to halt production altogether.

Tariffs could also backfire. Other countries could put their own levies on U.S. movies. That could hurt global ticket sales. Most studio revenue is now international, Axios noted.

The industry says it prefers a carrot instead of a stick: America could lure back moviemakers with its own tax credits. This is the approach that California’s governor, Gavin Newsom, backed on Monday when he called on Trump to support a $7.5 billion federal tax break for films made in America.

But that would cost money at a time when Congress is already struggling to find ways to pay for tax cuts the president wants. So Trump once again invoked tariffs as his favored fix.

A Book Points to Biden’s Decline and Democrats’ Cowardice: Takeaways

The book, “Original Sin,” describes how Mr. Biden’s aides quashed concerns about his age. But the anonymous accounts show that many Democrats are still afraid to discuss the issue publicly.

The book’s reliance on anonymous sourcing reveals the enduring chill that President Biden’s loyalists have cast over a Democratic Party still afraid to grapple publicly with what many say privately was his waning ability to campaign and serve in office.Credit...Doug Mills/The New York Times

By Reid J. Epstein

Reid J. Epstein covered the Biden campaign for The New York Times.
May 13, 2025

A forthcoming book that promises explosive new details on former President Joseph R. Biden Jr.’s mental and physical decline while in the White House has revived the subject of how his aides and top Democrats handled his decision to run for re-election.

The book, “Original Sin,” by Jake Tapper of CNN and Alex Thompson of Axios, chronicles how Mr. Biden’s advisers stomped out discussion of his age-related limitations, including internal concerns of aides, external worries of Democratic allies and scrutiny by journalists. Mr. Biden had long been gaffe-prone, but as he forgot familiar names and faces and showed his physical frailty, the authors write, aides wrapped him in a protective political cocoon.

At the same time, the book is so reliant on anonymous sourcing — very few aides or elected officials are quoted by name — that it reveals the enduring chill that Mr. Biden’s loyalists have cast over a Democratic Party still afraid to grapple publicly with what many say privately was his waning ability to campaign and serve in office. Already, Mr. Biden has begun pushing back against reporting on the end of his presidency, re-emerging for interviews to try to shape his legacy.

The book does not contain any astonishing revelation that changes the broad perception of whether Mr. Biden, now 82, was fit to serve as president. Instead, it is a collection of smaller occurrences and observations reflecting his decline. The authors write about a “cover-up,” though their book shows a Biden inner circle that spends more time sticking its collective head in the sand about the president’s diminishing abilities than it does scheming to hide evidence of his shortcomings.

The New York Times obtained a copy of the book, which is set for release next Tuesday. Here are the major takeaways.

Biden forgot names, even of people he had known for years.

During his 2020 campaign and throughout his presidency, Mr. Biden forgot the names of longtime aides and allies, according to the book.

It describes him forgetting the name of Mike Donilon, a loyal aide who had worked for him since the early 1980s, and failing to recognize the actor George Clooney. He also forgot the names of Jake Sullivan, his national security adviser, and Kate Bedingfield, the White House communications director, according to the book, along with Jaime Harrison, whom Mr. Biden had picked to be chairman of the Democratic National Committee.

Read the New York Times review of the book:

The result is a damning, step-by-step account of how the people closest to a stubborn, aging president enabled his quixotic resolve to run for a second term. The authors trace the deluge of trouble that flowed from Biden’s original sin: the sidelining of Vice President Kamala Harris; the attacks on journalists (like Thompson) who deigned to report on worries about Biden’s apparent fatigue and mental state; an American public lacking clear communication from the president and left to twist in the wind. “It was an abomination,” one source told the authors. “He stole an election from the Democratic Party; he stole it from the American people.”



In another instance, Mr. Biden confused his health secretary, Xavier Becerra, with his homeland security secretary, Alejandro Mayorkas, the authors write. During a meeting about abortion rights, Mr. Biden confused Alabama with Texas, according to the book.

People described as aides and allies told the authors that Mr. Biden appeared frail in meetings and that they had worried he might need a wheelchair in his second term. Cabinet gatherings were largely scripted for him even when journalists were not present, according to the book. In a rare on-the-record account, Representative Mike Quigley, a Democrat from Illinois, described Mr. Biden’s physical abilities during a trip to Ireland as similar to what he saw when his own father was dying of Parkinson’s disease.

People who didn’t see Biden on a daily basis were increasingly taken aback when they finally laid eyes on him. They would remark on how his once booming voice had become a whisper, how his confident stride had become a shuffle.

Mr. Biden’s response to the accounts is not included in the book, nor are on-the-record responses from many of the aides, Democrats and other figures it names. (Indeed, the extensive use of anonymous sources makes it difficult to confirm the accuracy of many of the claims.) Mr. Biden’s spokesman, Chris Meagher, said the former president’s team had not yet seen a copy of the book and had not been consulted in its fact-checking.

“We are not going to respond to every bit of this book,” Mr. Meagher said. “We continue to await anything that shows where Joe Biden had to make a presidential decision or where national security was threatened or where he was unable to do his job. In fact, the evidence points to the opposite — he was a very effective president.”

Few Biden allies, even now, would speak openly about his decline.

Nearly a year after pressure from Democrats forced Mr. Biden to drop out of the presidential race, the book shows that the party remains unwilling to reckon publicly with its choice to back Mr. Biden as its nominee for as long as it did.

The reluctance of many Democratic leaders and insiders to voice criticism without the cloak of anonymity, even after their devastating defeat, suggests a lasting fear of speaking out. It also points to an awareness that saying now that Mr. Biden should not have run in 2024 could prompt questions about why they said nothing when it mattered.

Some Democrats, especially those who didn’t see the president that often, relied on his surrogates for reassurance about his condition (“He’s fine, he’s fine, he’s fine”); others were wary of giving ammunition to the Trump campaign, warning that he was an existential threat to the country. Tapper and Thompson are scornful of such rationales: “For those who tried to justify the behavior described here because of the threat of a second Trump term, those fears should have shocked them into reality, not away from it.”

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The people closest to Biden landed on some techniques to handle (or disguise) what was happening: restricting urgent business to the hours between 10 a.m. and 4 p.m.; instructing his writers to keep his speeches brief so that he didn’t have to spend too much time on his feet; having him use the short stairs to Air Force One. When making videos, his aides sometimes filmed “in slow motion to blur the reality of how slowly he actually walked.” By late 2023, his staff was pushing as much of his schedule as they could to midday.

Ultimately, the most powerful people in the party either made a colossal misjudgment of the situation or recognized the problem yet declined to press Mr. Biden or the White House about it.“No Democrats in the White House or leaders on Capitol Hill raised any doubts, either privately with the president or publicly, about Biden’s second run,” the book reports.

The authors write that Secretary of State Antony J. Blinken did gently ask Mr. Biden if he was ready to take on a re-election bid, but that the president reassured him he would be fine. Ron Klain, Mr. Biden’s first chief of staff, also broached the subject of whether the president should run again in conversations with other staff members, according to the book, but it never went anywhere.

Democratic aides are seeking to shift the blame.

It is a long tradition for Washington bigwigs to use books to place the blame squarely on someone else. What’s unusual about this book is that just about all players who agreed to be interviewed — 200, the authors wrote — pointed the finger at Mr. Biden and his small circle of senior aides.

Just how much of this rigmarole was desperate rationalization versus deliberate scheming is never entirely clear. Tapper and Thompson identify two main groups that closed ranks around Biden: his family and a group of close aides known internally as “the Politburo” that included his longtime strategist Mike Donilon and his counselor Steve Ricchetti. The family encouraged Biden’s view of himself as a historic figure. The Politburo was too politically hard-nosed for that. Instead, its members pointed to Biden’s record in office and the competent people around him. The napping, the whispering, the shuffling — all that stuff had merely to do with the “performative” parts of the job.

Tapper and Thompson vehemently disagree. They offer a gracious portrait of Robert Hur, the special counsel who investigated Biden’s handling of classified materials and in his February 2024 report famously described the president as a “sympathetic, well-meaning, elderly man with a poor memory.” Biden and his team were incensed and tried “to slime Hur as an unprofessional right-wing hack,” but the authors defend his notorious line. They emphasize that it is incumbent upon a special counsel to spell out how the subject of an investigation would probably appear to a jury — and that what Hur wrote about Biden was true.

One of the few people quoted on the record is David Plouffe, the former campaign manager for Barack Obama. The book describes him as coming out of retirement to try to elect Vice President Kamala Harris after Mr. Biden dropped out. “We got so screwed by Biden,” the book quotes Mr. Plouffe as saying, adding a more vulgar choice of words to describe what the president did to the Harris campaign.

But Mr. Plouffe’s assertions absolve him and other prominent Democrats of their responsibility for her defeat.

Outsiders were shocked by Biden’s abilities.

A theme throughout the book is that people who had not seen Mr. Biden in person for a long time were shocked by his appearance when they did.

Former Representative Brian Higgins, a Democrat from New York, is quoted in the book as saying that Mr. Biden’s possible cognitive decline “was evident to most people that watched him.” David Morehouse, a former Democratic campaign aide turned hockey executive, said Mr. Biden “was nothing but bones” after seeing him in a photo line in Philadelphia.

And Mr. Clooney, a prominent Democratic donor, was so upset about his interaction with the president that he wrote a New York Times opinion essay calling on him to drop out.

Other outsiders raised alarms that went unheeded by Mr. Biden’s inner circle. Ari Emanuel, the Hollywood agent whose brother Rahm was Mr. Biden’s ambassador to Japan, wound up in a shouting match in 2023 with Mr. Klain over whether the president’s campaign should continue.

One Democrat quietly pushed for a Biden primary challenge.

One of Democrats’ biggest regrets about last year is their failure to hold a competitive primary contest. But at least one Democrat worked behind the scenes to try to make it happen, according to the book.

In 2023, Bill Daley, who served as White House chief of staff to Mr. Obama, sought to persuade Democratic governors including JB Pritzker of Illinois, Gavin Newsom of California and Andy Beshear of Kentucky to challenge Mr. Biden in the Democratic primary race, the book reports.

He found no takers.

Now, of course, Democrats expect their 2028 nominating contest to be crowded and highly competitive. And with many in the party calling for generational change, some 2028 hopefuls who were stalwart allies of Mr. Biden in 2024 may face new pressure to finally address whether they were wrong about his capacity to be president.

Jill Biden’s protectiveness of her husband grew as he aged.

After Mr. Biden, the book is harshest on his family’s closest aides. Anthony Bernal, the consigliere to Jill Biden, the first lady, draws some of the book’s toughest scrutiny.

The authors write that Mr. Bernal could shut down any conversation about the president’s age and mental acuity by telling fellow White House aides, “Jill isn’t going to like this.”

Dr. Biden is described as a fierce advocate for her husband who did not care to hear any criticism of his abilities or political judgment and grew more involved in his decision-making as he grew older.

When a donor suggested in 2022 that Mr. Biden should not seek re-election, Dr. Biden remained silent — a reaction she regretted and vowed not to repeat, the authors write.

“I can’t believe I didn’t defend Joe,” she is quoted telling aides afterward.

In “Original Sin,” Tapper and Thompson describe him waking up the morning after the 2024 election thinking that if only he had stayed in the race, he would have won. “That’s what the polls suggested, he would say again and again,” the authors write. There was just one problem with his reasoning: “His pollsters told us that no such polls existed.”

May 7, 2025

Alarm rising about DOGE consolidating data about Americans.

Alarm appears to be rising about how the “Department of Government Efficiency” (DOGE) is consolidating data about Americans.Hannah Natanson, Joseph Menn, Lisa Rein, and Rachel Siegel wrote in the Washington Post today that DOGE is “racing to build a single centralized database with vast troves of personal information about millions of U.S. citizens and residents.” In the past, that information has been carefully siloed, and there are strict laws about accessing it. But under bilAlarm appears to be rising about how the “Department of Government Efficiency” (DOGE) is consolidating data about Americans.lionaire Elon Musk, who appears to direct DOGE although the White House has said he does not, operatives who may not have appropriate security clearances are removing protections and linking data.

There are currently at least eleven lawsuits underway claiming that DOGE has violated the 1974 Privacy Act regulating who can access information about American citizens stored by the federal government.

Musk and President Donald Trump, as well as other administration officials, claim that such consolidation of data is important to combat “waste, fraud, and abuse,” although so far they have not been able to confirm any such savings and their cuts are stripping ordinary Americans of programs they depend on. White House spokesperson Harrison Fields told the Washington Post reporters that DOGE’s processes are protected by “some of the brightest cybersecurity minds in the nation” and that “every action taken is fully compliant with the law.”

Cybersecurity experts outside the administration disagree that a master database is secure or safe, as DOGE is bypassing normal safeguards, including neglecting to record who has accessed or changed database information. The Ash Center for Democratic Governance and Innovation at Harvard’s Kennedy School explains that data can be altered or manipulated to redirect funds, for example, and that there is substantial risk that data can be hacked or leaked. It can be used to commit fraud or retaliate against individuals.

The Ash Center also explains that U.S. government data is an extraordinarily valuable treasure trove for anyone trying to train artificial intelligence systems. Most of the data currently available is from the internet and is thus messy and unreliable. Government databases are “comprehensive, verified records about the most critical areas of Americans’ lives.” Access to that data gives a company “significant advantages” in training systems and setting business strategies. Americans have not given consent for their data to be used in this way, and it leaves them open to “loss of services, harassment, discrimination, or manipulation by the government, private entities, or foreign powers.”

Josh Marshall of Talking Points Memo suggests Musk’s faith in his AI company is at least part of what’s behind the administration’s devastating cuts to biomedical research. Those who believe in a future centered around AI believe that it will be far more effective than human research scientists, so cutting actual research is efficient. At the same time, Marshall suggests, tech oligarchs find the years-long timelines of actual research and the demands of scientists on peer reviews and careful study frustrating, as they want to put their ideas into practice quickly.