May 26, 2025

The Democrats’ problems run deep, nearly everywhere.How Donald Trump Has Remade America’s Political Landscape

The Democrats’ problems run deep, nearly everywhere. This is where voters shifted toward President Trump in each of the last three elections.

And this is where voters shifted toward Democrats.

How Donald Trump Has Remade America’s Political Landscape

Donald J. Trump’s victory in 2024 was not an outlier.

It was the culmination of continuous gains by Republicans in much of the country each time he has run for president, a sea of red that amounts to a flashing warning sign for a Democratic Party out of power and hoping for a comeback.

The steady march to the right at the county level reveals not just the extent of the nation’s transformation in the Trump era but also the degree to which the United States now resembles two countries charging in opposite directions.

Republicans are overwhelmingly making gains in working-class counties.

Democrats are improving almost exclusively in wealthier areas. Democrats are gaining ground in a small sliver of the best-educated enclaves.

It is the same story by education: Republicans are running up the score in counties where fewer people have attended college.

Triple-trending counties that shifted furthest to the left from 2012 to 2024

County2012 result2024 resultShift size
Henry, Ga.R+3D+30D+33
Rockdale, Ga.D+17D+48D+31
Forsyth, Ga.R+63R+33D+30
Hamilton, Ind.R+34R+6D+28
Fayette, Ga.R+31R+3D+28
Douglas, Ga.D+4D+31D+28
Cobb, Ga.R+12D+15D+27
Los Alamos, N.M.D+4D+30D+27
Johnson, Kan.R+17D+8D+26
Broomfield, Colo.D+6D+29D+23

Just nine counties voted more Democratic in each of the presidential elections since 2012 and shifted by a total of more than 25 percentage points.

Six of those nine counties surround Atlanta.

The other three are upscale suburbs of Indianapolis and Kansas City, and the postage-stamp-size county in New Mexico that houses the Los Alamos National Laboratory, an outpost of highly educated and highly paid workers.

On the other hand, 535 counties shifted toward the Republicans in all three presidential elections and by a total of at least 25 percentage points. They were spread across 36 states, from diverse Democratic strongholds like the Bronx in New York City, where the Black and Latino population tops 80 percent, to overwhelmingly white and rural counties.

Triple-trending counties that shifted furthest to the right from 2012 to 2024

County2012 result2024 resultShift size
Starr, TexasD+73R+16R+89
Maverick, TexasD+58R+18R+77
Zapata, TexasD+43R+22R+66
Elliott, Ky.D+3R+62R+64
Duval, TexasD+54R+10R+64
Webb, TexasD+54R+2R+56
Pike, OhioR+0R+54R+54
Reeves, TexasD+16R+37R+53
Zavala, TexasD+68D+14R+53
Howard, IowaD+21R+32R+53

Some Democrats have taken comfort from how narrowly Mr. Trump won the popular vote in 2024, or from how closely the battleground states were contested, or from the expectation that the voters who will turn out in the 2026 midterms — who tend to be wealthier and more educated — will lean Democratic.

But many others worry about the future of a party that is hemorrhaging vital support from what were once among its most rock-solid constituencies.

“The majority of Americans now believe that the Republican Party best represents the interests of the working class and the poor, the Democratic Party is the party of the wealthy and the elites,” lamented Ken Martin, who took over as chairman of the Democratic National Committee this year.

Reversing that view, he said in an interview, was one of his top priorities.

Texas and New York tell the tale.

The story of the country’s political trajectory can be told through a closer look at two of America’s biggest states, one red and one blue: Texas and New York.

In Texas, Mr. Trump made successive gains in 124 of its 254 counties, from rural, nearly all-white places to diverse counties along the southern border where he achieved many of his greatest increases in vote share in the entire country.

Where voters consecutively shifted in one direction in the last three elections

Of Texas’ 126 counties that shifted consecutively in one direction over the last three elections, only two shifted to the left.

The biggest swing in the nation since 2012, moving 89 percentage points in Mr. Trump’s favor, occurred in Starr County, which includes Rio Grande City and borders Mexico. It is also the nation’s most predominantly Latino county, with a 96 percent Hispanic voting-age population.

All told, Mr. Trump steadily improved his vote share over the three campaigns by more than 50 percentage points in seven heavily Hispanic counties in South Texas.

The parts of the state where Democrats most improved in the Trump era are concentrated in wealthy, well-educated suburbs. Four of the five counties where Democrats gained the most ground in 2024 compared with 2012 were outside Dallas, including the only Texas county that steadily voted more Democratic over that time, Ellis County.

“This may sound crazy to you: Maybe this had to happen for the Democratic Party to wake up and stop taking people for granted based on the color of their skin, or their country of national origin, or where they live in the state,” said Beto O’Rourke, the former congressman who has run unsuccessfully for president and for the Senate. “If we don’t do that, we will continue to lose.”

Where voters consecutively shifted in one direction in the last three elections in New York

The results were echoed in New York, where 43 of the state’s 62 counties voted more Republican by at least 10 percentage points in 2024 compared with in 2012. The overall margin of victory for Democrats statewide was slashed in half.

The lone New York county to trend continuously toward the Democrats was Tompkins County, home to Ithaca, an overwhelmingly progressive university town where nearly 60 percent of residents have a college degree.

Yet counties that have shifted three times toward Mr. Trump include not only far-upstate counties, like St. Lawrence and Lewis, with vanishingly small nonwhite populations, but also some of the nation’s most diverse areas, like the Bronx, Queens and Brooklyn.

“We could be entering a world where the greatest predictor of voting behavior is no longer race,” said Representative Ritchie Torres, a Democrat from the Bronx. “Donald Trump’s greatest achievement — his greatest electoral achievement — lies not in breaking the blue wall in the industrial Midwest, but in beginning to break the blue walls in states like New York, and in counties like the Bronx.”

May 22, 2025

The Combs case and its victim blaming

Cassie Ventura, right, walks out of the courtroom past Sean Diddy Combs after testifying in Manhattan federal court, Tuesday, May 13, 2025, in New York. (Elizabeth Williams via AP)

By Lauren Hersh

May 21, 2025 at 5:00 AM EDT

Why didn’t she leave? How could she stay so long? Why didn’t she say no?

These questions are on repeat in the high-profile trial of Sean “Diddy” Combs. The disgraced music mogul stands accused of sex trafficking — coercing sex acts through a long-standing pattern of physical, sexual, and psychological abuse. But if you listen to much of the coverage — on television, radio or social media — you might think it’s Cassie Ventura, not Combs who’s on trial.

As both national director of America’s largest anti-trafficking coalition and former chief of the Sex Trafficking Unit at the Brooklyn DA’s Office, I’ve seen this pattern far too often: survivors disbelieved, trauma scrutinized, and abuse framed as “consensual.”

A quick glance at social media showcases an avalanche of comments claiming Cassie invited the violence and if she truly wanted to leave she would have. This flawed narrative is not only damaging to Cassie, but dangerous for victims everywhere.

Cassie’s account is a textbook example of sex trafficking. She explained how Combs began grooming her when she was just 19 and he was 37, leveraging his massive power in the music industry to draw her in. This age gap, combined with wealth and influence, created a significant power imbalance. This wasn’t a relationship built on consent…but rather coercive control.

Cassie detailed drug-fueled, around-the-clock commercial sex acts, extreme physical violence and severe intimidation. The abuse was so cruel and undeniable that Diddy’s defense conceded it from the outset. Cassie testified Combs surveilled her constantly, had access to guns and threatened to release life-destroying blackmail videos. These tactics systematically stripped Cassie of her sense of safety and left her emotionally trapped.

Beyond the physical abuse, Cassie endured a steady drumbeat of insidious threats that sent an unmistakable message: the violence could escalate at any moment. One of the most chilling examples is the allegation that Combs blew up a car belonging to someone Cassie had been seen speaking to — a calculated act of intimidation to showcase exactly the danger he was capable of.

As a former prosecutor, I’ve seen how traffickers use terror tactics to enforce compliance. In one case I worked on, a defendant caught a mouse, held it by the tail, and slowly dipped it into a toilet in front of the victim — nearly drowning it. He didn’t need to say a word. Like Combs’ car explosion, the message was crystal clear: This is what will happen to you if you don’t obey.

Another time, a victim wanted me to know she often thought of leaving this life. She even attempted several times. But, every time she packed her bags, just as she made it to the door, her trafficker would coldly recite the address where her little sister went to after-care. The message was simple, but chillingly unambiguous.

So, when people wonder why Cassie never left, the answer is not quite so simple. One of the most difficult issues to grapple with is how genuine fear could co-exist with the loving, eager tone of some of Cassie’s texts and communications to Diddy.

People understandably wonder how a woman could express such enthusiasm and affection toward a violent man she feared. The answer lies in our growing understanding of how “coercive control” — a hallmark of intimate partner violence — works. Affection and abuse are not mutually exclusive.

Speak with most sex trafficking survivors, and they’ll tell you that traffickers rely on entangling emotions. The weaving in-and-out of affection, dependency, confusion and fear is not accidental. Its a deliberate tactic of deepening control. If a person was purely cruel every moment, the manipulation wouldn’t work. That emotional whiplash creates the powerful psychological tie that makes leaving feel not only difficult, but dangerous.

There remains harmful expectations that if a victim doesn’t fight back or resist unequivocally, she must have consented to the abuse. But Cassie’s inability to escape wasn’t a sign of consent; it was evidence of how deep Combs’ control ran.

While I hope Diddy’s jury examines the overwhelming evidence — the videos, photo and testimony — to see it for exactly what it is, my deeper hope is that, as a society, we begin shifting our reflexes. The knee-jerk reaction to doubt and blame victims must end. Every time we dismiss survivors or excuse abusers’ actions, we reinforce the systems enabling violence and exploitation to flourish.

It’s time to stop giving a free pass to the powerful and start holding them accountable — not just in courtrooms, but throughout our culture.

Hersh is the national director of World Without Exploitation and the former chief of the Brooklyn DA’s Sex Trafficking Unit.

May 17, 2025

Cassie Ventura: I’d give $20M back to Sean ‘Diddy’ Combs to erase trauma of twisted ‘freak-offs’

Cassie Ventura. (Lionel Cironneau/AP)

By Molly Crane-Newman | New York Daily News
UPDATED: May 16, 2025 at 6:32 PM EDT

Casandra “Cassie” Ventura concluded her bombshell testimony in Sean “Diddy” Combs’ sex-trafficking trial Friday, telling a jury through tears that she’d give back $20 million to erase the trauma from more than a decade of his demeaning and disgusting abuse.

“I’d give that money back if it meant I never had to have freak-offs,” an emotional Ventura told prosecutor Emily Johnson in Manhattan federal court, saying her agency and autonomy would be things “I wouldn’t have had to work so hard to get [back].”

Asked how sleeping with strangers for Combs’ sexual gratification made her feel, Ventura, 38, said, “Worthless. Just like dirt. Like I didn’t matter to him. Like I was nothing. Absolutely nothing.”

The disclosures came toward the end of Ventura’s four days on the stand, during which she revealed the massive sum Combs paid to settle a lawsuit — within just 24 hours of her filing it — alleging he raped her that she brought in November 2023.Cassie Ventura takes an oath before testifying in Manhattan federal court on Tuesday. (Elizabeth Williams via AP)

During nearly two days of cross-examination, Combs’ defense — which called Ventura the most critical witness to discredit — tried to portray her as having consented to the freak-offs, not being coerced, since she was desperate to satisfy Combs, and having an ax to grind over jealousy of his cheating. The jailed mogul’s lawyer, Anna Estevao, sought to characterize toxicity in their relationship as stemming from drug addiction and mental health issues they both battled, revealing through one question that Combs had bipolar disorder.

Estevao also tried to cast doubt on Ventura’s claim that Combs raped her in 2018 after they’d broken up by highlighting how Ventura had dated the incident to September of that year in her suit but now believed it happened in August and that she’d admitted sleeping with Combs consensually once more after that incident. The defense lawyer also tried to paint the singer as motivated by money, highlighting in her last question that Ventura expects to receive a $10 million settlement from the Intercontinental Hotel in Los Angeles, where Combs was captured on surveillance video brutally assaulting her in March 2016 after Ventura had tried to escape a freak-off where he previously assaulted her.

Estevao also introduced scores of text messages showing Combs being kind and loving. Toward the end of cross-examination Friday, jurors saw Combs and Ventura having amicable exchanges after she left him in 2018, with him writing in one text message, “Sending you love and light. Had a dream about you last night. What a difference a year makes.” In another exchange, he said, “I miss my best friend,” and Ventura replied that she missed him, too.

When prosecutors resumed questioning Ventura, Johnson asked whether Combs’ periods of affection ever lasted.

“No,” Ventura said, adding they were always followed by a “downswing,” and frequently by violent and unpredictable outbursts.

Of sexually explicit texts from Ventura to Combs that jurors were shown, which the defense highlighted during cross-examination, Ventura reiterated to prosecutors that she only ever wanted to have sex with Combs.

Raising the possibility of a mistrial, prosecutors had urged the court to ensure a heavily pregnant Ventura’s testimony ended by Friday, saying she could give birth as soon as this weekend. The mother of two disclosed horrific accounts of physical and psychological abuse she suffered under Combs during their nearly 11-year relationship in her testimony, which began Tuesday. She recounted regular, savage beatings and coercion into engaging in dehumanizing sexual performances with male escorts, which Combs directed and masturbated during.

The “Me & U” singer said she first met the powerful music mogul, 17 years her senior, when she was signed to Bad Boy Records at age 19, and that they started dating within two years. She told the court she was sexually inexperienced when they started sleeping together, and that he had presented a warped version of a “swingers lifestyle” and “voyeurism” in introducing the concept of freak-offs. She said Combs was long the dominating force in her life and that the demoralizing sessions took place while the music mogul had complete control over her career and micromanaged every aspect of her day to day. The freak-offs, she said, left her with regular urinary tract infections, painful mouth sores and gastrointestinal issues.

Ventura said she participated in “hundreds” of freak-offs, which could include three days or more of no sleep, sex with multiple men and potent cocktails of narcotics fed to her by Combs. In graphic detail, jurors heard how Combs sometimes directed men to urinate on her and engage in other depraved acts. Ventura testified that she submitted to the sordid performances initially out of love and later to keep Combs’ violence at bay and to stop him from releasing sex tapes of her. Combs’ defense, on cross-examination, tried to push back on Ventura’s claims that he threatened to publicly release tapes of the freak-offs to blackmail her, highlighting how he appeared in some of them, too.

Under questioning by the prosecution Friday, Ventura said her promising music career died out as her life became consumed entirely by performing and participating in sexual performances orchestrated by Combs.

“I had a whole other job,” Ventura said, saying it was, in essence, like being a sex worker.Cassie Ventura and Sean "Diddy" Combs arrive at the Los Angeles premiere of "Can't Stop, Won't Stop: A Bad Boy Story," at the Writers Guild Theater, June 21, 2017, in Beverly Hills. (Chris Pizzello/Invision/AP)

Combs, 55, has pleaded not guilty to racketeering conspiracy, two counts of sex trafficking by force, fraud or coercion, and two counts of transportation to engage in prostitution. He could face life in prison if convicted.

Prosecutors say the Bad Boy Records co-founder coerced women into fulfilling his sick sexual desires with help from a network of high-ranking employees, unlimited resources and immense influence from 2004 to 2024.

Combs allegedly coerced Ventura and another woman, Jane, a pseudonym, under the guise of a romantic relationship, to engage in freak-offs with commercial sex workers, and sexually assaulted a former assistant, the feds’ case says. Jane and the assistant, referred to by the pseudonym Mia, have yet to take the stand.

After Ventura, prosecutors called Homeland Security agent Yasin Binda to testify about items recovered from Combs’ room at The Park Hyatt Hotel on W. 57th St. ahead of his September 2024 arrest.

Jurors saw photographs the feds took of several bottles of Johnson’s Baby Oil and Astroglide lubricant, a Louis Vuitton toiletry bag containing prescription drugs labeled for Frank Black — which Ventura previously said was an alias used to book rooms for freak-offs — small bags of pink ketamine, and a bag filled with thousands of dollars. Displaying the cash for the jury, Binda fanned out $9,000.

May 16, 2025

If Dept of Justice Does Not Have Grounds To Charge Pol Opponents with a Crime, It Will "Name and Shame Them," Acc. to Aide.

Department of Justice leaders are also consolidating power under the claim of ending weaponization. In a dramatic reversal of Department of Justice policies, Trump loyalist Ed Martin said yesterday that when the department finds it does not have the grounds to charge political opponents with a crime, it will “name” and “shame” them, attempting to convict them in the court of public opinion rather than a court of law. Trump initially nominated Martin to be the U.S. attorney for the District of Columbia, but Martin’s extremism convinced Senate Republican Thom Tillis to vote with Democrats on the Judiciary Committee to stop his nomination.

Today, U.S. Circuit Judge Amy St. Eve and Judge Robert Conrad, both of whom were appointed by Republican presidents, asked the House Appropriations Subcommittee on Financial Services and General Government to increase funding for judges’ security. David Gilbert of Wired reported today that calls for impeachment and violent threats against U.S. judges on social media have gone up by 327% since last year.

May 15, 2025

Young boys are struggling,

BOY PROBLEMS

Young boys are struggling, and we wanted to figure out just how badly and why.

Boys enter kindergarten lagging behind girls in both academic readiness and behavior. A majority of teenagers agree that boys are more disruptive. Large shares say girls get better grades, have more leadership roles and speak up more in class.

Note: Survey conducted Sept. 18-Oct. 10. Home-schooled teens were not included. Shares of respondents who did not offer an answer are not shown. Source: Pew Research Center The New York Times


In interviews, young men say that school never felt like a good fit for them, or that they got the sense that teachers didn’t like boys, and that this left them feeling discouraged or undervalued. By high school, girls are more likely to graduate on time — and more likely to go to college.

Note: Individuals ages 16-24 are counted here if enrolled in a two- or four-year college by October in the year of their high school graduation or equivalent. Source: National Center for Education Statistics The New York Times


Young men are struggling in their mental health and transitions to adulthood, too. What’s going on here? I’m reporting a series on boys, the first installment of which published today. I’d love to hear your experiences and insights about what’s going on with boys, and what might be driving it. Tell The Times what you think here. — Claire Cain Miller

May 14, 2025

TRUMP VISITS THE GULF

Trump and Crown Prince Mohammed bin Salman. Doug Mills/The New York Times

Below, Michael Shear, a Times correspondent, explores Trump’s relationship with Saudi Arabia.

Trump is visiting the Gulf and meeting with leaders across the region. It has so far been a friendly trip: Trump has shown a chumminess, even infatuation, with his counterparts in the Saudi royal family. Here are three reasons Trump seems to love Saudi Arabia:

Gold, everywhere: I was in the group of reporters who traveled with Trump on his first trip to Saudi Arabia as president in 2017. The opulence was overwhelming. But it was clear that Trump, who has a famous preference for gilded architecture, loved it.

This trip appears to be the same. As my colleagues wrote: “With its giant crystal chandeliers, polished marble, plush carpets and prominently displayed portraits of King Salman bin Abdulaziz, the Saudi Royal Court had the feel of a Mar-a-Lago East.”

Business deals: Trump’s trip to Riyadh is, essentially, one big boardroom meeting. The president has also proved over the years that he appreciates — maybe even envies — strong leaders who have few constraints on the exercise of power. Crown Prince Mohammed bin Salman, the de facto ruler of Saudi Arabia, certainly qualifies.

Money: Finally, there is Saudi’s vast wealth, which comes largely from oil. In his speech yesterday, Trump bragged about the American economy, calling it the “hottest country” in the world. Then he stopped himself, looked at the crown prince, and laughed. “With the exception of your country,” he said. “You’re hotter. At least as long as I’m up here, you’re hotter.”

On Trump’s agenda today

Syria: Trump met with the Syrian president today, for the first time. It’s a remarkable rise for the leader of the rebel uprising that ousted Bashar al-Assad. Trump said the U.S. would lift sanctions on Syria.

Iran: Trump said he wants a nuclear deal with Iran. Instead of dismantling its nuclear program, Iran has proposed a joint nuclear-enrichment venture involving Arab countries and U.S. investments.

Israel: The president won’t meet with Benjamin Netanyahu on this trip, signaling a growing rift.

War in Ukraine: The president said he would also consider joining a potential meeting this week between the leaders of Ukraine and Russia. Ukraine's Volodymyr Zelensky arrived, but Vladimir Putin is a no-show. Refusing to meet Zelensky, the Russian leader sent a junior team to Istanbul for the talks, ignoring the Ukrainian president’s call to meet for direct high-level talks, Whether talks between the warring nations will occur at all is uncertain.

Rich vs. Poor: Who Gets What in the GOP Tax Bill

Tax extensions in the House proposal help some households more than others, and don’t forget the Medicaid cuts and tariffs

By Richard Rubin

May 14, 2025 10:40 am ET
The GOP tax bill was advanced in a party-line vote by House Ways and Means Committee members. PHOTO: CHIP SOMODEVILLA/GETTY IMAGES

WASHINGTON—The Republican tax bill looks very different depending on your income—and your political lens.

For the top sliver of taxpayers, it gives a permanent extension and expansion of expiring tax cuts from 2017, coupled with some new limits.

Middle-income households would get permanent tax-cut extensions, too. They would also gain temporary tax cuts, including a larger standard deduction and child tax credit and targeted benefits for senior citizens and people receiving tips and overtime pay.

There is relatively little for low-income people who aren’t paying income taxes now, and they will encounter some new complexity when claiming refundable tax credits.

Republicans call this combination a win-win-win, avoiding scheduled tax increases, putting money in taxpayers’ pockets and helping businesses invest. They are moving the legislation through House committees this week and aim to make it law by July 4.

“This is not a bill for billionaire relief,” Rep. Blake Moore (R., Utah) said during a House Ways and Means Committee session that started Tuesday afternoon and finished Wednesday morning with a party-line vote to advance the legislation.

Democrats cast the bill as an unacceptable giveaway to well-off people at the expense of most Americans.

“Billionaires get the gold bars,” said Rep. Judy Chu (D., Calif.). “Working families get the pennies.”

Fights over the distribution of tax legislation are a constant part of Washington fiscal-policy debates. This round is more complicated because it isn’t just a tax bill: The tax provisions will be combined with cuts in Medicaid spending and nutrition assistance and assessed against the backdrop of President Trump’s higher tariffs, changes that will weigh most on lower-income households.

Same tax data, different reads

Republicans and Democrats look at the same tax data and see totally different pictures. Republicans compare the tax cuts to families’ existing bills, showing significant reductions in what middle-class households owe.

Democrats focus on the total dollar amount, emphasizing how much wealthy people would save in comparison to others. By one estimate, that is nearly $65,000 in 2027 for the top 1% vs. about $1,300 for middle-income households. They argue that Congress could simply let tax cuts expire for people at the top.

An analysis from the nonpartisan congressional Joint Committee on Taxation released Tuesday shows that the lowest-income households, who pay very little in taxes already, would see an average federal tax increase in some years, in part because they would lose tax credits that help pay for health insurance. The middle 20% of households would see their average total federal tax rate drop in 2027 to 11.2% from the 12.9% they would pay without the bill.

The top 0.1%, meanwhile, would see their average tax rate drop to 27.7% from 30.3%. They would get a significant tax cut—and pay a greater share of the smaller overall federal tax burden. Those estimates compare with a scenario where the 2017 tax cuts expire. The analysis excludes some provisions, such as the electric-vehicle tax-credit repeals and estate-tax cuts.

Republicans highlight middle-income tax cuts, particularly those that go beyond a straight extension of the 2017 tax cuts scheduled to expire Dec. 31. They constructed the bill so they can offer clear examples of middle-income families who will get and feel tax cuts from 2025 to 2028.

Ways and Means Chairman Jason Smith offered the example of an electric-utility lineman making $40 an hour and a $20 bonus for overtime hours. That person’s 300 hours in overtime would yield a $6,000 tax deduction beyond the standard deduction.

“My priority is the working class because I’m a product of the working class,” said Smith, the chief author of the bill. “This bill delivers for those American families, just like mine, who have struggled to get ahead for far too long.”

Rep. Nicole Malliotakis (R., N.Y.) highlighted the additional $4,000 per-person standard deduction for senior citizens, which starts phasing out when income reaches $75,000 for individuals and $150,000 for married couples.

“I don’t know how anyone can argue something like that goes to benefit the wealthiest,” she said. “We’re fighting for the middle class and that’s who we’re delivering for today.”
GOP lawmakers say workers like electric-utility linemen would get bigger tax deductions for their overtime hours. PHOTO: BRETT COOMER/ASSOCIATED PRESS

Democrats say rich getting most help

Democrats view the same legislation quite differently, pointing to extended and permanent tax cuts for high-income households and estates. They contrast those with the temporary tax-cut boosts for middle-income households and with Medicaid and Obamacare changes that are projected to reduce the number of people with health insurance.

“They’re doing exactly what they set out to do, which was to give more tax breaks to the billionaires, the ultrawealthy and make it permanent at the expense of working people,” said Rep. Jimmy Gomez (D., Calif.) “You’re literally giving us the scraps off the table.”

At the top, the highest income-tax rate will remain at 37%, though top-bracket taxpayers face a new restriction on itemized deductions. The per-person estate tax exemption would climb to $15 million in 2026, higher than what would happen if current inflation indexing were extended.

The bill includes a lower top tax rate for many closely held businesses. Their top rate will drop to 28.5% from 29.6%, though some will lose the ability to escape the cap on state and local taxes through state workaround programs.

Democrats highlighted that the child tax-credit expansion doesn’t increase the benefit for many lower-income households and removes it for families where children are citizens but parents aren’t. The bill also creates a new certification program for the earned-income tax credit, a tax break for low-income workers that has a record of improper payments.

Menendez Brothers Resentenced to Life With Parole, Paving Way for Freedom

The decision could lead to the release of Lyle and Erik Menendez, more than three decades after they were sent to prison for killing their parents.

In a photo from 1990, Lyle and Erik Menendez, wearing blue prison jumpsuits, stand in a courtroom.
The Menendez brothers became eligible for parole on Tuesday, after spending decades in prison for the murder of their parents.

By Tim ArangoMatt Stevens and Jacey Fortin

Lyle and Erik Menendez were resentenced on Tuesday to life in prison with the possibility of parole, setting the stage for their possible release after more than three decades behind bars for killing their parents in their Beverly Hills mansion.

The decision, by Judge Michael V. Jesic of Los Angeles Superior Court, came after a day of testimony by family members, who said the brothers had turned their lives around inside prison through education and self-help groups. They urged the court to reduce the brothers’ sentences for the 1989 killings.

“This was an absolutely horrific crime,” Judge Jesic said as he delivered his ruling. But as shocking as the crime was, Judge Jesic said, he was also shocked by the number of corrections officials who wrote letters on behalf of the brothers, documented support that clearly swayed his decision.

“I’m not suggesting they should be released,” he said. “That’s not for me to decide.”

But, he continued: “I do believe they have done enough over the last 35 years to get that chance.” The brothers’ futures, he said, would now be in the hands of Gov. Gavin Newsom and state parole-board officials.

While Judge Jesic’s decision was the most important legal step so far in the brothers’ long effort to win release, it is not the final step. In reducing the brothers’ sentences, the judge has allowed them to be immediately eligible for parole.

Now the attention will be on the state’s parole officials. The brothers were already scheduled to appear before the board on June 13 as part of Mr. Newsom’s consideration of clemency, a separate process that has unfolded in parallel to the resentencing effort.

It was unclear if the June hearing would address both the resentencing and clemency request. A spokesperson for Mr. Newsom said his office was reviewing the judge’s decision and determining next steps.

May 13, 2025

Gaza: Some Israeli military officials have privately admitted that Gaza is facing widespread starvation.

Israel’s government has publicly dismissed warnings of extreme food shortages after it blocked aid deliveries, but an internal analysis concluded that a crisis looms if food supplies are not restored.

Palestinians waiting to receive a cooked meal in Jabaliya camp, northern Gaza Strip, in April. Food supplies have dried up since Israel blocked aid deliveries in March.Credit...Saher Alghorra for The New York Times

By Natan Odenheimer and Ronen Bergman

Some Israeli military officials have privately concluded that Palestinians in Gaza face widespread starvation unless aid deliveries are restored within weeks, according to three Israeli defense officials familiar with conditions in the enclave.

For months, Israel has maintained that its blockade on food and fuel to Gaza did not pose a major threat to civilian life in the territory, even as the United Nations and other aid agencies have said a famine was looming.

But Israeli military officers who monitor humanitarian conditions in Gaza have warned their commanders in recent days that unless the blockade is lifted quickly, many areas of the enclave will likely run out of enough food to meet minimum daily nutritional needs, according to the defense officials. They spoke on the condition of anonymity to share sensitive details.

Because it takes time to scale up humanitarian deliveries, the officers said that immediate steps were needed to ensure that the system to supply aid could be reinstated fast enough to prevent starvation.

The growing acknowledgment within part of the Israeli security establishment of a hunger crisis in Gaza comes as Israel has vowed to dramatically expand the war in Gaza to destroy Hamas and bring back the remaining hostages — twin aims that more than 19 months of war have yet to achieve. On Tuesday, Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu was defiant, and said the military would resume fighting in the coming days “in full force to finish the job” and “eliminate Hamas.”

Mr. Netanyahu’s statement came on the same day that President Trump landed in Saudi Arabia, as part of his first major foreign trip since his re-election. Mr. Trump, however, is not visiting Israel, underscoring a growing divide between two leaders who increasingly disagree on some of the most critical security issues facing Israel.

The military officials’ analysis has exposed a gulf between Israel’s public stance on the aid blockade and its private deliberations. It reveals that parts of the Israeli security establishment have reached the same conclusions as leading aid groups. They have warned for months of the dangers posed by the blockade.

The analysis also highlights the urgency of the humanitarian situation in Gaza: Most bakeries have shut, charity kitchens are closing and the United Nations’ World Food Program, which distributes aid and coordinates shipments, says it has run out of food stocks.On Monday, the Integrated Food Security Phase Classification, a U.N.-backed initiative that monitors malnutrition, warned that famine was imminent in Gaza. If Israel proceeds with a planned military escalation in Gaza, the initiative said in a summary report, “The vast majority of people in the Gaza Strip would not have access to food, water, shelter, and medicine.”

The Israeli military and the Israeli ministry of defense declined to comment on the Israeli officers’ predictions that Gaza is nearing a food crisis. Oren Marmorstein, a spokesman for Israel’s foreign ministry, said he was unable to share details from internal discussions but that the ministry was in contact with “all the relevant agencies on an ongoing daily basis” and closely monitors the situation in Gaza.

Israeli restrictions on aid to Gaza have been one of the most contentious issues of the war. Israel cut off supplies to Gaza in March, shortly before breaking a cease-fire with Hamas, which remains entrenched in Gaza despite losing thousands of fighters and control over much of the territory during the war.

Israel said the aim of the blockade was to reduce the Palestinian armed group’s ability to access and profit from food and fuel meant for civilians. In the process, a senior Israeli defense official said, Hamas would be more likely to collapse or at least release more of the hostages that the group captured during its attack on Israel on Oct. 7, 2023 that ignited the war.

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Trump is Back in Office, Trump Profits Bigly.

Now that President Trump is back in office, his family is profiting from his brand: At least $2 billion has flowed to Trump companies in just the last month. The ventures include real estate, a cryptocurrency and a private club slated to open in Washington with a $500,000 membership fee. Now, Qatar may give him a new presidential airplane.

The ethical mess is obvious. Trump is both the commander in chief and a business partner of foreign governments in Serbia, the United Arab Emirates and Oman. The White House says his sons run his companies, so there’s no conflict. Legally, that’s true.

But Trump is still getting rich (or richer) from all of it. And that leaves incentives for the president to pay back his business partners with policy decisions designed to help them, which is how the law defines corruption. Today’s newsletter is a tour of the recent deals.

Crypto

$TRUMP is the family’s cryptocurrency, owned by the president and run by Donald Trump Jr. It has no inherent value beside what people will pay for it; the family describes it as a collectible — like a baseball card. But every time someone purchases a coin (currently worth about $13), the family gets a share. Recently, the president offered rewards. The top 220 buyers are invited to dinner with him next week at his Virginia golf club. The top 25 buyers also get a White House tour. The winners of the contest spent at least $174 million to buy $TRUMP coins.
Through an investment firm, the United Arab Emirates put $2 billion into the Trump family’s new cryptocurrency outfit, World Liberty Financial. The company, whose leaders include Eric Trump and Donald Trump Jr., will make tens of millions of dollars per year from the investment.

Real estate


Eric Trump in Doha, Qatar. Bassam Masoud/Reuters

Qatar chipped in to help finance a Trump-branded beachside golf and luxury villa project in the country worth $5.5 billion. (We don’t know how much it contributed.) The family will earn millions in licensing and management fees.
A real estate firm in Saudi Arabia (with close ties to the country’s government) invested $1 billion in the Trump International Hotel and Tower project in Dubai. The same company is planning to build other new Trump hotels, golf courses and luxury towers in Saudi Arabia and Oman. These, too, are branding deals that will pay the Trumps millions of dollars for their name.
During the Balkan wars, NATO bombed Yugoslavia’s Defense Ministry in Belgrade. Now Serbia’s president is leasing the land to Trump’s son-in-law Jared Kushner, who will erect a Trump hotel on the site. Kushner’s private equity company — funded mostly by Middle Eastern sovereign wealth funds — will help cover the $1 billion project.

Other deals

Plane: Qatar is planning to give a $400 million Boeing 747 aircraft to the president so he can use it as a temporary Air Force One. His presidential library will own the plane after his presidency, Trump says.
Members’ club: Donald Trump Jr. and other investors say they will open the Executive Branch, a private social club, in Georgetown this summer. Its members will include lobbyists, tech industry bigwigs and a sprinkling of White House officials, such as David Sacks, who is Trump’s crypto czar. The cost to join: $500,000.

Golf: LIV Golf, the new Saudi-backed golf league, hosted a professional tournament at Trump National Doral in Florida last month. The president arrived on a military helicopter to kick it off. The league is run by the head of Saudi Arabia’s sovereign wealth fund. It paid the Trump family an undisclosed fee to host the LIV tournament. The event also drove thousands of fans to the hotel resort, selling out its rooms and restaurants.

Hotels: During Trump’s first term, dignitaries stayed at Trump properties and Republicans put on events there. These payments collectively were in the tens of millions of dollars. Payments like these have resumed. Groups like the Republican National Committee have put on events at the Doral resort and the Mar-a-Lago club, for instance.


For more: Trump is pushing ethics guardrails. Republicans on Capitol Hill seem unlikely to challenge him.


China Exults in Trump’s Tariff Pullback. Xi presses on with strategy of defiance against trade war ‘bullying’.

By Chun Han Wong
and Jason Douglas

May 13, 2025 8:28 am ET

Chinese leader Xi Jinping has made a show of defying U.S. pressure. PHOTO: ANDY WONG/ASSOCIATED PRESS


Key Points

U.S. and China agree to a 90-day tariff pause, easing trade war tensions and boosting China’s economy.

Xi Jinping hails the tariff truce as a win, potentially slowing down needed economic policy changes.

Despite the truce, China faces economic challenges and must stay vigilant against further U.S. pressure.


SINGAPORE—A U.S.-China agreement to pause bruising tariffs was cheered in Beijing as vindication for leader Xi Jinping and his defiant response to President Trump’s trade war, while providing a much-needed boost to China’s ailing economy.

During talks in Geneva this past weekend, U.S. and Chinese officials put the brakes on a spiraling trade war between the world’s two largest economies. They agreed to a 90-day pause on most of the tariffs they had imposed on each other since April and pledged further negotiations.

Xi had directed an uncompromising response to Trump’s tariffs, retaliating with a range of economic countermeasures and whipping up nationalist fervor against what Beijing denounced as American bullying.

His perceived success could dampen Beijing’s will to pursue policy overhauls that many see as necessary to lift the Chinese economy, even without the added pressure to act from Trump’s tariffs, some economists say.

Xi reinforced his message on Tuesday at a Beijing gathering of leaders and foreign ministers from Latin American and Caribbean countries, amid China’s efforts to rally international opinion against Trump’s global tariffs.

“Bullying and hegemonism will only result in self-isolation,” Xi said, addressing an audience that included the presidents of Brazil, Chile and Colombia.

On Chinese social media, opinion leaders portrayed the tariff truce as a resounding victory for Xi.

“China fought a very beautiful ‘counterattack in self-defense,’” said Ren Yi, a commentator who goes by the pen name “Chairman Rabbit,” in an online post. Beijing showed the world that Trump is irrational and America is a paper tiger, while China offers stability and certainty, he wrote.

Trump has pledged to use tariffs to restore U.S. industrial might and slash America’s $295 billion trade deficit with China, a goal that would require Beijing to drastically overhaul its economic model.

Xi has made a show of defying U.S. pressure and leaned into his self-styled image as a staunch steward of Chinese sovereignty. He has repeatedly expressed his belief that China will usher out the era of American dominance, a process aided by Western capitalist excess.

Under the agreement reached in Geneva, the U.S. agreed to lower the base level of tariffs on most Chinese goods to 30% from 145%, while China would cut its levies on U.S. products to 10% from 125%.

The tariff reprieve means China’s economic prospects for this year just got somewhat brighter, as the risk of a drawn-out trade war recedes for now and gives exporters more time to adjust to shifting global trade patterns.

Chinese exports to the U.S. sank 21% on the year after sky-high tariffs came into effect in April, Chinese customs data showed. Analysts and executives feared trade between the two superpowers would shrivel further and put millions of Chinese factory jobs at risk.
U.S. Trade Representative Jamieson Greer and Treasury Secretary Scott Bessent in Geneva on Monday. PHOTO: EMMA FARGE/REUTERS

Now, economists expect a rush of shipments as firms race to restock, especially as tariffs could rise again if the two sides make little progress during the 90-day window for talks.

The U.S. agreement with China mostly removed restrictions imposed by both sides since January (though the administration has pointed to a noncommittal pledge by Beijing to curb “nontariff” barriers to trade). The White House has also said it is working on dozens of trade deals with countries that it threatened with tariffs in early April. But only one, with Britain, has been announced, and critics have said the British offered only token concessions, such as a commitment to purchase more U.S.-made beef, rather than agreeing to anything transformative for the two countries. The U.S. runs a trade surplus with Britain already.

Financially, both the damage and the upside of the Trump tariffs have been less dramatic than they initially appeared or than he pledged at the outset of his presidency. Stock markets have recovered their heavy losses since Trump’s April 2 “Liberation Day” announcement, with investors appearing to believe that the president will leave the global trade system largely intact when the dust clears. Further tariffs are coming on specific sectors, but it’s not clear whether Trump will stick by those, given his willingness to walk back other trade measures under pressure.

Outside Official Will Take Over Deadly Rikers Island Jail, Judge Orders

Laura Taylor Swain, a federal judge, seized control of New York City’s lockups, which have been rife with violence and dysfunction.

New York City has spent more than $500,000 per inmate annually in recent years, but detainees still sometimes go without food or medical care.Credit...José A. Alvarado Jr. for The New York Times


By Hurubie Meko
May 13, 2025


A federal judge overseeing New York City’s jails took Rikers Island out of the city’s control on Tuesday, ordering that an outside official be appointed to make major decisions regarding the troubled and violent jail complex.

The judge, Laura Taylor Swain, said in a 77-page ruling that the official would report directly to her and would not be a city employee, turning aside Mayor Eric Adams’s efforts to maintain control of the lockups. The official, called a remediation manager, would work with the New York City correction commissioner, but be “empowered to take all actions necessary” to turn around the city’s jails, she wrote.

“While the necessary changes will take some time, the court expects to see continual progress toward these goals,” Judge Swain wrote.

The order comes nearly a decade after the city’s jails, which include the Rikers Island complex, fell under federal oversight in the settlement of a class-action lawsuit. The agreement focused on curbing the use of force and violence toward both detainees and correction officers. A court-appointed monitor issued regular reports on the persistent mayhem.

New York City has held onto its control of Rikers with white knuckles — struggling to show progress and reaching the brink of losing oversight of the jails as critics of the system have called for a receiver. Conditions have not improved, according to lawyers for the plaintiffs and the federal monitor.

The city’s jail population has grown to more than 7,000 from a low of about 4,000 in 2020. And in the first three months of this year, five people died at Rikers or shortly after being released from city custody, equaling the number of detainees who died in all of 2024.

In a statement, lawyers from the Legal Aid Society and Emery Celli Brinckerhoff Abady Ward & Maazel, which represent detainees, said they commended the court’s “historic decision.”

“For years, the New York City Department of Correction has failed to follow federal court orders to enact meaningful reforms, allowing violence, disorder and systemic dysfunction to persist,” said Mary Lynne Werlwas and Debra Greenberger. “This appointment marks a critical turning point.”

The remediation manager will be a receiver in all but name. The official will be granted “broad powers” as plaintiffs had asked, Judge Swain wrote, but will also develop a plan for improvement in concert with the correction commissioner.

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Such arrangements are the last resort for a troubled jail or prison. Since 1974, federal courts have put only nine jail systems in receivership, not counting Tuesday’s Rikers order.

The ruling was another blow for Mr. Adams, who is fighting for his political life after the Trump administration dropped corruption charges against him so that he could assist with its deportation efforts. Many of his confidants have also faced investigations, he is on his fourth police commissioner and his approval ratings have hit historic lows.

Now, the mayor, a former police captain, has lost most control of an institution that employs about 5,000 people represented by the Correction Officers’ Benevolent Association, a union that has been a bastion of political support.

On Tuesday, even as prisoners rights organizations and some of Mr. Adams’s campaign opponents celebrated, the mayor disputed whether Judge Swain’s order constituted a receivership and painted it as a benefit.

“The problems at Rikers are decades in the making,” he said. “We finally got stability.”

In a statement, Benny Boscio, president of the correction officers’ union, said that Judge Swain’s order had preserved the right to representation and collective bargaining, and he made clear that his union must be reckoned with.

“The city’s jails cannot operate without us,” he said. “And no matter what the new management of our jails looks like, the path toward a safer jail system begins with supporting the essential men and women who help run the jails every day.”

New York City has spent more than $500,000 per inmate annually in recent years, according to city data, well beyond what other large cities have spent, and yet detainees still sometimes go without food or proper medical care.

A New York Times investigation in 2021 found that guards are often stationed in inefficient ways that fail to protect detainees. And although the jail system has consistently been the most well-staffed in the United States — there is roughly one uniformed officer for each inmate at Rikers, according to city data — an unlimited sick leave policy and other uses of leave have meant that there are too few guards present to keep inmates safe.

The class-action lawsuit that led to the takeover, known as Nunez v. City of New York, was settled in June 2015 and required that the jails be overseen by a court-appointed monitor who would issue regular reports on conditions there but would wield no direct power to effect change.

Through those reports, Judge Swain was given an extensive history of the cyclical nature of the jail system’s problems. Through the administration of two mayors and several correction commissioners, the jails continued to devolve, according to prisoners’ rights advocates and the monitor’s reports. In November, the judge found the city in contempt for failing to stem violence and excessive force at the facility, which is currently run by Correction Commissioner Lynelle Maginley-Liddie.

Over the years, the city has argued that the Department of Correction has made progress, even as Judge Swain issued remedial orders and the monitor and prisoners’ advocates pointed to backsliding.

In 2023, Damian Williams, then Manhattan’s top prosecutor, joined calls for the appointment of an outside authority to take control of Rikers, saying that the city had been “unable or unwilling” to make reforms under two mayors and four correction commissioners.

On Tuesday, Jay Clayton, whom President Trump appointed last month as interim U.S. attorney, said Judge Swain’s decision was a “welcomed and much needed milestone.”

In a 65-page opinion last year, Judge Swain said that the city and the Department of Correction had violated the constitutional rights of prisoners and staff members by exposing them to danger, and had intentionally ignored her orders for years. Officials had fallen into an “unfortunate cycle” in which initiatives were abandoned and then restarted under new administrations, she wrote.

An inability to operate independently of politics is what has kept Rikers from turning around, said Elizabeth Glazer, the founder of Vital City and a former criminal justice adviser under Mayor Bill de Blasio.

“Every new administration, there’s a reset,” she said. “Every new crisis, there’s a reset.”

Last year, Judge Swain ordered city leaders to meet with lawyers for prisoners to create a plan for an “outside person,” known as a receiver, who could run the system.

The parties met in recent months to try to reach an agreement, in deliberations overseen by the federal monitor, Steve J. Martin. He told the court that the parties and his team had been “actively engaged” in discussions.

In the end, the sides submitted dueling proposals.

The Legal Aid Society and a private law firm representing incarcerated people argued that the court should strip the city of control and install a receiver who would answer only to the court. The receiver should be given broad power to make changes, they proposed, including with regard to staffing and union contracts that govern it.

The receiver, they said, could “review, investigate and take disciplinary or other corrective or remedial actions with respect to violations of D.O.C. policies, procedures and protocols” related to the court order.

May 12, 2025

Here Is Everything That Has Changed Since Congestion Pricing Started in New York

Fewer cars. Faster travel. Less honking. And More


By Emily Badger, Stefanos Chen, Asmaa Elkeurti, Winnie Hu, Francesca Paris and Ethan Singer

The reporters sought information from everyone they could think of, including the M.T.A., the Fire Department, restaurant-booking platforms, researchers and one yellow school bus company.May 11, 2025

Policy changes often take years to show results. Even then, you may have to squint to see them.

And then there is congestion pricing in New York.

Almost immediately after the tolls went into effect Jan. 5 — charging most vehicles $9 to enter Manhattan from 60th Street south to the Battery — they began to alter traffic patterns, commuter behavior, transit service, even the sound of gridlock and the on-time arrival of school buses.
What’s changed since the toll began?
Cars on the street
Fewer

Traffic speeds
Faster

Peak commute times
Faster still

Local buses
Faster, less delayed

Traffic outside the zone
Not worse

New Jersey commutes
Faster

Transit ridership
Up, up, up

Yellow taxi trips
Up

Citi Bike trips
Up in and out of the zone

Car crash injuries
Down

Parking violations
Down

Traffic noise complaints
Down

Fire response times
Slightly down

School bus delays
Fewer

Visitors to the zone
Up

Restaurants, Broadway
Holding up

Pollution
Too soon to say

Lower-income commuters
Too soon to say

Public opinion
Not great, but improving

Evidence has mounted that the program so far is achieving its two main goals — reducing congestion and raising revenue for transit improvements — even as the federal government has ramped up pressure to halt it. In March, the tolls raised $45 million in net revenue, putting the program on track to generate roughly $500 million in its first year.

Congestion pricing was designed to finance more than $15 billion in critical transit upgrades. Those investments will take years. But the parallel changes at street level are already apparent.

Here’s what we know so far.

Traffic in the zone

Fewer cars are entering the congestion zone than before.

The idea was that many people, faced with a toll, would stop driving into the heart of Manhattan. So far, that appears to have happened.

The Metropolitan Transportation Authority estimates that about 76,000 fewer vehicles per day entered the congestion zone in April than probably would have without the toll. That’s the equivalent of 2.3 million fewer cars for the month, or 12 percent fewer than would have been expected given historical traffic trends.

These numbers are based on the M.T.A.’s best guess of what would have happened without congestion pricing. (The cameras that are now counting cars entering the zone every day weren’t fully installed in January 2024, so we can’t compare exact car counts with this same time last year.)

The Port Authority, which separately controls the tunnels entering Manhattan from New Jersey, released initial data for January showing that 8 percent fewer cars entered through the Lincoln Tunnel, and 5 percent fewer through the Holland Tunnel, compared with January 2024. But the agency has not released data for February and March.

Traffic is moving faster.

With fewer cars on the road, speeds are up.

Inside the congestion zone, as more workers returned to the office, average speeds had steadily declined since 2021, according to New York City Department of Transportation data that tracks the movement of vehicles licensed by the Taxi and Limousine Commission. Then starting in January of this year, that trend reversed.

Average car speed in the congestion zone

An outside analysis from researchers at Stanford, Yale and Google looked at anonymized, aggregated data from trips taken with Google Maps and found that average traffic speeds inside the zone increased by 15 percent in the first two months of congestion pricing. That's compared with what the researchers estimate would have happened without the toll, given traffic trends in other cities.


The greatest speed gains are coming at peak commute times.


Speed improvements have been greatest at the most gridlocked times, during the evening weekday peak.

Change in car speeds, 2024-25

Peak commute hours refers to the evening weekday peak, from 4 p.m. to 8 p.m. Comparisons are between January to mid-April of each year. Source: N.Y.C.D.O.T.

The Google study found a similar pattern but an even larger effect in the program’s first two months, with speeds inside the congestion zone improving by more than 20 percent during weekday rush hours from 3 p.m. to 7 p.m.


Local buses are also moving faster.


M.T.A. bus speeds were also up January through March by about 3.2 percent compared with last year on the portions of local routes that run through the congestion zone. Gains have come on nearly every local route touching the zone.

Change in bus speeds on local routes, 2024-2025

Speeds between January through March of each year. Congestion zone speeds measure route segments inside the zone and include one stop before entry and one stop after exit. The rest of Manhattan excludes these segments. Source: M.T.A. bus speed data

Similar gains have come on express bus routes.

Some of the fastest improvements have been on local routes that cross the river on their way into the congestion zone. On route B39, which collects passengers at the Williamsburg Bridge Plaza in Brooklyn before entering the zone, speeds were up the first three months of the year by roughly 34 percent (a majority of the B39’s full route spans the bridge).


Traffic elsewhere

Traffic has not slowed just outside the congestion zone.


One major fear about congestion pricing is that it would improve traffic in the zone simply by pushing cars and congestion elsewhere. But so far, it appears that hasn’t happened.

According to Department of Transportation data, speeds in adjacent neighborhoods north of 60th Street in Manhattan and just across the river in Brooklyn and Queens, as well as in the rest of the city, have been flat or slightly faster than last year, depending on the time of day.

Traffic has not surged in the South Bronx, as some predicted.

Community groups were especially concerned that drivers avoiding the tolls might be diverted and drive more pollution to the South Bronx, which has some of the highest rates of asthma in the nation. But the number of vehicles traveling daily on the Cross Bronx Expressway was down slightly in January through April, compared with last year, according to the New York State Department of Transportation. And speeds were up about 2 to 3 percent during weekday work hours.


Signs are also positive for New Jersey commuters.

New Jersey Transit has not released bus speed data, limiting what we know about New Jersey commutes. But many M.T.A. express buses from Staten Island run through New Jersey and cross into Manhattan through the Lincoln Tunnel, sharing the same lanes used by many New Jersey buses and commuters.

 M.T.A. bus routes went through the Lincoln Tunnel nearly 24 percent faster on average after congestion pricing went into effect.

The researchers using Google Maps data, who were able to analyze New Jersey commutes, found that congestion pricing increased speeds by about 8 percent for drivers making trips from Hudson and Bergen counties into the congestion zone.


Residents of lower-income neighborhoods have seen faster travel, too.

The Google study also found consistently faster trips into the congestion zone — with speeds up by about 8 to 9 percent — whether drivers were coming from poorer or richer parts of the region.

That doesn’t address all the concerns of critics who warned that the toll would burden working-class drivers. But it does suggest that those drivers are sharing in the traffic benefits.

Driving alternatives

Ridership is up across all modes of public transit.

While the number of cars on the road is down, transit ridership is up, suggesting many commuters have switched.

From early January through mid-April, compared with the same time last year, ridership has increased on the bus and the subway for the M.T.A. It’s also up on the Long Island Rail Road, the Staten Island Railway and the Metro-North commuter lines that serve the northern suburbs and parts of Connecticut.

Average daily M.T.A. ridership

20242025changeBus 1.1 mil. 1.2 mil. +13%
Long Island Rail Road 186k 207k +11%
NYC Subway 3.2 mil. 3.4 mil. +8.2%
Metro-North Railroad 163k 176k +8.2%
Staten Island Railway 5.4k 5.7k +4.4%



Ridership from Jan. 5 to April 21 in each year. Source: M.T.A.

On the PATH commuter train that serves New Jersey commuters crossing the Hudson River, ridership is also up — by nearly 6 percent — in the first three months of the year compared with last year. New Jersey Transit, which runs a different rail and bus system into Manhattan, has not shared data, but stated it had “no evidence at this time that congestion pricing is having an appreciable impact on ridership.” (The policy is especially fraught in New Jersey, where officials are suing to stop congestion pricing in federal court.)

The Trump administration has seized on a number of high-profile crimes to paint mass transit as unsafe and a poor substitute for commuters who drive to the city. But on the subway, crime is dropping. In the first three months of 2025, criminal offenses in the subway fell to the second-lowest level in 27 years, with an 18 percent drop in major crime categories, police data shows.


Yellow taxi trips inside the zone are up, too.

Yellow taxi rides starting or ending in the congestion zone are up this year — there were about eight million trips across the first three months of the year, compared with about seven million in the same period last year.

Taxi passengers on routes that touch the zone pay an additional 75 cents per ride (those riding in for-hire vehicles, like Uber, pay $1.50). Many in the taxi industry worried that an added cost to fares would discourage riders and further harm an industry that’s been losing business for years. So far, that hasn’t happened.


Citi Bike trips in the zone are up, but they’re up citywide.


It’s less clear that people are switching to biking. According to Citi Bike, ridership in the bike-sharing program through April 20 is up similarly both inside the congestion zone and citywide, 8 to 9 percent, compared with last year. But Citi Bike has expanded the network over time, making direct trip comparisons with earlier years imperfect.

The Department of Transportation also maintains some bike counters inside the congestion zone that count cyclists on personal bikes and Citi Bikes. Those counters show a very slight decline in trips compared with last year, while counters outside the congestion zone show a small bump in trips. Biking is also more subject to weather, and this past winter was especially cold.

In short, it’s probably too soon to say much about the effects of congestion pricing on biking.

Ripple effects

Car crashes and injuries have declined.

With fewer cars on the road in the congestion zone, there have been fewer car crashes — and fewer resulting injuries. Crashes in the zone that resulted in injuries are down 14 percent this year through April 22, compared with the same period last year, according to police reports detailing motor vehicle collisions. The total number of people injured in crashes (with multiple people sometimes injured in a single crash) declined 15 percent.

Crashes and injuries are also down citywide outside the congestion zone, but by less, suggesting that the tolls could be a factor in the difference.

The story here may largely be about fewer cars creating fewer opportunities for collision. But Philip Miatkowski, senior director for research and policy at Transportation Alternatives, said that less congestion may also be increasing safety in other ways, like less double-parking and blocked intersections, or less road rage.

Parking violations are down.

Data on parking violations suggests that certain types of risky driver behavior are declining. Violations issued within the congestion zone — for infractions like double-parking or parking in no-parking zones — were down nearly 4 percent from January through mid-April compared with last year. Over this time, there was a small increase in violations in the rest of Manhattan.

Fewer New Yorkers are complaining about traffic noise.

Vehicle-related noise complaints to the city’s 311 portal dropped by nearly half in the zone from 2024 to 2025. Similar car-related complaints also fell outside the zone, but not as sharply.

Change in vehicle noise complaints, 2024-25
In zoneRest of NYC-45%-27%

The city’s Department of Environmental Protection also operates two noise cameras inside the congestion zone. They detect noises greater than 85 decibels and, like a red-light camera, record the offending vehicle. Between Jan. 5 and April 4 of 2024, the department issued 27 horn-honking summonses. Over that time this year, it issued six, with another eight pending.


Fire response times are improving.

Average travel times for the Fire Department’s responses to fires inside the congestion zone dropped by about 3 percent in January through March of this year compared with the same period last year, according to Fire Department dispatch data. These times rose by less than 1 percent in the rest of New York.

It’s probably too early to tell whether the speedup inside the zone is the result of congestion pricing. Travel times can fluctuate year to year, and Fire Department officials cautioned that congestion pricing was only one possible factor.

Average travel times for ambulances had been steadily increasing since the pandemic, according to emergency service dispatch data. Those ambulance times rose again this year, but at a slower rate inside the congestion zone than elsewhere.

More students are arriving to class on time.

One school bus company, NYC School Bus Umbrella Services (NYCSBUS), has found that, compared with last year, the share of buses arriving at schools late has dropped more inside the congestion zone than outside it.

The company calculates that those reduced delays inside the zone have meant that bused students receive more than 30 additional minutes of instruction time per week on average.

NYCSBUS contracts with the city to serve about 10 percent of New York’s bus routes for school-aged kids, so its numbers don’t cover every school bus inside the congestion zone but offer a good sample.


City buses are becoming more dependable.


Commuters care a lot about a metric that’s related to speed but distinct from it: Does the bus come when the schedule says it will?

More bus routes in the congestion zone are now running without delays, according to M.T.A. data. Bus delays have declined citywide, but the improvement has been greater within the zone.

Economic impact

Visitors are up in the congestion zone.


Critics have argued that the toll would scare off tourists and hurt local businesses. So far, there’s not much evidence of that, even as some businesses report signs that declining international tourism and tariffs are starting to pinch.

In March, just over 50 million people visited business districts inside the congestion zone, or 3.2 percent more than in the same period last year, according to the New York City Economic Development Corporation (its estimate tries to exclude people who work or live in the area).

And according to the Times Square Alliance, the number of pedestrian visitors to Times Square through April 22 this year was almost identical — about 21.5 million people — to the number in the same period last year.

Other business measures are doing OK so far.

Broadway theater capacity is essentially flat compared with last year, after accounting for the increased number of shows this year.

Online restaurant reservations through the platform Open Table are up by about 7 percent in the congestion zone through April 22 compared with last year. That’s similar to the trend citywide, according to the company.

And just to take a different kind of measure, The New York Times visited 40 storefronts on a stretch of Bleecker Street in Greenwich Village to gauge how businesses felt about congestion pricing. People working in four of those businesses said the change had been positive, 10 said it had been negative — and 25 said it had had no impact.

These are just slices of the Manhattan economy, and it’s not hard to find individual business owners who feel things are worse because of congestion pricing. But those effects don’t seem to be showing up yet at scale.

Too soon to say

It’s too early to know if pollution is declining.

Supporters of congestion pricing said it would also create environmental benefits, with fewer polluting cars on the road (and idling in gridlock or circling for parking).

The New York City health department’s readings of PM2.5, one air quality measure, improved citywide the first three months of this year compared with the same period in 2024. The improvement was more pronounced within the congestion zone, but it’s too early to attribute that to the program, or to know if that’s a lasting pattern, experts said.

If a downward trend in emissions showed up over the long term, it would mirror what happened in other cities after they put in congestion pricing. In London, rates of health problems aggravated by car pollution, like asthma, declined.

The full effects on lower-income commuters aren’t clear.

Critics of congestion pricing have warned that the tolls could harm lower-income commuters who lack access to transit. In response, the M.T.A. has carved out a 50 percent discount on peak tolls for drivers who make less than $50,000 a year. Some drivers can also apply for a tax credit.

But if those workers still feel they can’t afford to commute to the congestion zone, they may over time change jobs or face narrower job prospects. It will take time to track these changes, which could also be influenced by a worsening economic outlook.

In other ways, lower-income workers, who are more likely to use mass transit, stand to benefit from bus and rail investments that will be financed by the toll revenue. Some of the improvements, including new elevators and a more reliable signal system in the subway, are already underway.

An unpopular policy may be growing less so.

Congestion pricing was unpopular in opinion polling just before it started. But its backers expected that it would grow more popular as people saw the benefits.

It’s still early to say that for sure. Several pollsters have surveyed the public about congestion pricing, but without repeating the same question across multiple surveys. That makes it harder to track changes in opinion. Some early signs, however, suggest the program is growing more popular (or, at least, that many New Yorkers don’t like President Trump’s intervention).

A Siena College poll in December, for example, found that only 32 percent of New York City voters supported the program (29 percent statewide). But by March, 42 percent said it should remain in place (compared with 33 percent statewide). Most recently, in early April, a Marist poll also found that 42 percent of city voters want the program to stay — still not a majority, but perhaps getting closer.