DAILY NEWS
Mayor de Blasio got an earful from his own City Hall staff last week. He heard about his poor performance from the City Council on Monday. And on Friday, the city’s Public Advocate Jumaane Williams unloaded perhaps the sharpest criticism against him yet, ridiculing him on Twitter.
At his Friday morning City Hall press briefing, de Blasio was responding to a question about whether he felt betrayed by former allies and staff who have publicly attacked him over his handling of the NYPD’s use of force at protests.
“I think anyone who questions the ability of this city government to do what we’re here to do and my ability as mayor to use all the tools of city government, even in a time of crisis, doesn’t really understand the reality of New York City," he said.
City Public Advocate Jumaane Williams is pictured in a file photo. (Barry Williams/New York Daily News)[
The response was swift, harsh and dripping with sarcasm.
“Oh, please do splain to us kind Mr. Mayor sir” tweeted Williams. “I am a city-wide elected official, after serving on the @NYCCouncil. I was educated in the NYC Public School System, Pre-school to Masters and, BTW, I was born, raised and spent my entire life here....how about you?”
De Blasio’s fall from grace may seem sudden to some. To those who’ve worked with him for years, it’s been in the offing for quite some time. Experts, allies and enemies alike say it’s rooted in years of missteps and missed opportunities.
How did we get here? Where to begin?
“His ethical judgement is determined by the situation,” said Doug Muzzio, a Baruch College political science professor.
Unfortunately for the mayor, that statement can describe any number of predicaments — from the way he handled the punishment of Daniel Pantaleo, the now ex-cop who choked Eric Garner to death in July 2014, to being admonished by prosecutors for his fundraising operations, to his recent defense of the NYPD’s use of force during protests over police brutality.
Framegrab showing arrest of Eric Garner who died while being arrested by police in Staten Island on Thursday, July 17, 2014.
For years, de Blasio has had the unenviable task of striking a balance between keeping crime low and reforming the NYPD.
Part of his 2013 mayoral platform was to end stop-and-frisk, even though its use had been curtailed under Mayor Bloomberg. Some cops appreciated the gesture — they wanted to move away from an at times overwhelming emphasis on statistics — but others viewed it as an unfair criticism and predicted a surge in crime under de Blasio.
“There was a way to do this without insulting the police,” said Ken Sherrill, a professor emeritus of political science at Hunter College. “Not only with stop and frisk, but with his attitude in general.”
After Garner’s death, the mayor invoked his biracial son Dante and how he and his wife had to train him "in how to take special care in any encounter he has with the police officers who are there to protect him.”
The outrage police union leaders felt over the remarks was swift, but reached its boiling point months later when cops turned their backs on him at a police funeral.
Former aides say the experience scarred the mayor, that ever since he’s overcompensated in vocalizing his support for police and in taking cues from top NYPD brass.
“The mayor has always been out of his depth with the police department,” said one administration source. “You fear what you don’t know.”
That fear, and his attempts to avoid backlash from cops — most notably and recently during the protests — have resulted in his political base falling out from under him. That became evident at a recent Brooklyn memorial service for George Floyd when people turned their backs on him and booed him off the stage.
Former allies say such sentiment stems from a sense of deep betrayal.
Councilman Donovan Richards said it can be traced to an accumulation of mistakes, both small and large. When coronavirus was ravaging his district in the Rockaways, Richards said he pleaded with the mayor for testing sites.
“We were screaming and saying our folks are dying. We need PPE. We need all these things. And we couldn’t even get to first base,” he recalled. “It sort of felt like, we hear you, but we’re going to brush you off. We finally got three testing sites, but it took too long.”
Then came the protests and the police department’s handling of them.
“It seemed like he took the PBA’s talking points," Richards said.
Substance hasn’t been de Blasio’s only problem. His style has eroded trust in those around him for years.
Even before COVID-19, it reared its head in ways that almost seemed like self-caricature.
He showed up late to events. He commuted from Gracie Mansion with his police detail to exercise in Park Slope. He napped in his City Hall office.
The Mayor leaves the Prospect Park YMCA on 9th Street in Brooklyn on Nov. 2, 2016. (Corey Sipkin/New York Daily News)
He dithered in his 2016 endorsement of Hillary Clinton, alienating her and drawing abuse from critics. He ran for president during the current election cycle, only to drop out amid dismal poll numbers. And all the while, he alienated those who worked for him with his prickly demeanor.
“I don’t think there’s any question that he’s a difficult person to work with,” Sherrill said.
The man who couldn’t lead: De Blasio’s weak week
HARRY SIEGEL, DAILY NEWS
Just after New York City’s mayor dispatched the NYPD to deal with the mostly non-violent but hugely disruptive protesters demanding wholesale social changes, one politician with his own proud history of getting arrested while protesting called that move “needlessly provocative and legally questionable.”
That politician slammed the mayor for police “provocations under cover of darkness (that) only escalate tensions in a situation that calls for mediation and dialogue,” and called on the city “to find a sustainable resolution — as other cities have done — that allows for the exercise of free speech and assembly, with respect for the rights of all New Yorkers to peaceful enjoyment of our great city.”
Later, he accused the mayor of showing “blatant disregard for community voices” and vowed that if he was elected mayor he would “build spaces” where protesters “and government officials could communicate and discuss ways to address their demands.”
Now, that politician is the mayor, and he’s seeing no evil.
Just imagine what the Bill de Blasio of 2011, rightly calling out Mayor Bloomberg for the NYPD’s violent eviction of Occupy Wall Street from Zuccotti Park, would have to say to the Bill de Blasio of 2020, who keeps praising the NYPD’s “restraint” and insisting he hasn’t seen various clips and reports of police officers kettling and roughing up groups of protesters, violently taking New Yorkers’ bikes, and arresting building janitors, journalists, delivery people and hospital workers for breaking curfew. If that’s true, he’s about the only New Yorker who hasn’t seen them.
There have been few serious injuries reported, but the images and stories have been seriously disturbing. Police Commissioner Dermot Shea, while saying all the right things about the public’s right to protest the police, has mostly stressed the threat to the police. And de Blasio keeps applauding the department’s self-discipline (wouldn’t it help to see the videos first?), while saying the city’s independent review of police actions is coming soon, to go along with the NYPD’s own review. He hasn’t really explained how the one will relate to the other, or how either will relate to state Attorney General Tish James’ actually independent review.
That’s what this guy does: babble up a storm about ongoing processes as a way to defer any real accounting or responsibility for as long as he possibly can. That’s how Daniel Pantaleo kept drawing NYPD paychecks for five years after killing Eric Garner.
Not so coincidentally, the city reinterpreted a longstanding state law, 50-a, to make a state secret of police officers’ disciplinary records months after Garner’s death—something politicians are finally talking about fixing thanks to these protests. (Friday night, the NYPD announced that it had suspended two officers without pay for their conduct at protests, one who knocked a woman’s phone out of her hand and then shoved her into head-first into the ground and another who’d pulled down the mask of a protester with his hands up and then shot pepper spray into his face. Because of 50-a, the names of those officers, who now face disciplinary action, are not public.)
Back to de Blasio, another thing this guy does is alternate between extreme passivity and absurd overreaction. It’s a pattern New Yorkers are all too familiar with from how he dithered about keeping parades going and schools open to abruptly shutting them down with the rest of the city on a Sunday night. Remember his last-minute Park Slope YMCA visit, or when he told New Yorkers to get to their favorite bar one more time before the public-health emergency shut them down?
The Police Department seems to be following his lead, alternating under-policing of looting and rioting with violent over-policing of non-violent protests with little apparent rhyme or reason as the mayor has tried to have both sides of his own curfew, and infuriated almost everyone in the city in the process.
Back to the coronavirus (remember that?), hospital admissions in New York Wednesday had nearly doubled to 84 from 46 on Monday. De Blasio said he’s monitoring that but is confident it’s not related to the protests of the preceding week “because of the time it takes for the disease to manifest,” just in case you were wondering if the guy who not all that long ago was telling New Yorkers the virus wasn’t easily transmitted and not to worry about rush-hour trains had been humbled at all by that.
Despite the shutdown of the city to slow the virus’ spread and the curfew put into place this week after two nights of looting and wild street scenes, both still in full effect through Monday,
De Blasio has taken pains to say he’s standing with the non-violent protesters who have been gathering day and night to rally against police abuses and who have frequently ended up on the receiving end of them in the process.
But, quite literally, he has not stood with them. He hasn’t marched, or joined demonstrations. He did speak at the George Floyd memorial event in Brooklyn on Thursday, where he was heartily booed. He has been out of sight almost every night, save for the occasional call into a cable news show or tweet, as his aides put out reports about where he is “monitoring” the situation — with his descriptions of those situations the next morning often differing dramatically from on-the-ground reporting.
He hasn’t shown up, let alone built spaces for the people who are on the streets to communicate with his administration and discuss ways to address their demands.
Where’s the spirit of Mayor John Lindsay when we need it?
Lindsay, by the way, took pains not to use words like “riots,” seeing such language as a self-fulfilling prophecy. Compare that to how de Blasio, who lacks the courage of his own convictions, and Shea keep painting a wild picture of American carnage in New York City complete with outside anarchists and chaos agents determined to attack the police.
There have been some truly wild and scary scenes for police, among others, with real violence and menace and property destruction, but that narrative is clearly doubling as a way to justify the NYPD’s heavy-handed approach to protesters and any other New Yorkers unlucky enough to end up in the way.
Every big demonstration comes with a relative handful of people looking for confrontation, or to capitalize on chaos; that’s no justification for treating non-violent protesters like violent criminals after failing to lay out any clear terms of engagement.
It’s not hard to picture de Blasio getting himself arrested in righteous protest, on camera of course, if Mike Bloomberg had the police doing what he’s doing now.
***
“The status quo is still broken, it must change,” the seventh-year mayor said at his morning press briefing marking the second week of protests. He’s right about that much, at least.
Briefing, by the way, is a generous word for painfully long Potemkin events beginning with an extended daily monologue from de Blasio after which he eventually offers a few of the public health stats that are the nominal reason for these events before his people decide who gets to ask questions (spoiler: not me) and reporters’ lines are cut-off before they can press the mayor on his frequent evasions and non-answers.
Later in that same press conference, de Blasio answered Gothamist reporter Jake Offenhartz’s questions about the police violence he’d reported on Thursday night in Mott Haven by saying “We had observers from City Hall who saw a very different reality than what you saw.” Shea then talked about an “F--k the Police” poster calling for violence at that event, and a van with a gun and gasoline inside it that was intercepted by the police on its way there.
De Blasio stuck to that script, talking about “evidence of violence about to happen” when WNYC’s Brian Lehrer asked the mayor in his weekly appearance just after Friday’s briefing to listen to some of the people Offenhartz had interviewed the night before in Mott Haven: “We’re trying to, we’re trying to — we’re peacefully protesting, they’re trying to keep us in as they’re telling us to go home or we’re locked in between walls of police, hitting us with batons, hitting us with their bikes and asking us not to resist.”
In this reality, the violence that happened was caused by the police to the Bronxites who were there protesting police violence and who had no apparent connection to any violent plan.
A few minutes later, Patrick — who said he was the organizer of the silent, nonviolent vigil across from Grace Mansion — called in to confront the mayor about how “nonviolent protest is not going to look like peaceful protest and should not be palatable to you or people in power. It’s been a long time since you marched for the people, so it seems you need a reminder,” and ask him about “your police turning into werewolves at 8:00 p.m. every night.”
De Blasio shot back: “Patrick, I don't know how many protests you've been in. I've been in more than I can count, and I don't forget a single one of them, and I don't for a moment feel distanced from the people protesting. I feel kindred.”
Friday afternoon, the NYPD reported that there had been about 2,500 protest-related arrests since last Thursday, which means that with looters removed, de Blasio has now shot past the 1,800 that Bloomberg’s NYPD infamously made at the 2004 RNC in what was then the biggest mass arrest in New York City’s history.
When the city paid more than $18 million a decade later to settle the remaining suits that stemmed from that policing disaster, the new mayor said he was “glad” to see that score settled, and that “we’re going to take a very different view going forward on how we respect people’s rights to express themselves.”
What happened to that guy?
TOM ROBBINS, NEW YORKER
On the evening of May 29th, a New York state senator named Zellnor Myrie, a mild-mannered son of Caribbean immigrants from Flatbush, went to join a protest against police abuse outside the Barclays Center, in downtown Brooklyn. It was one of the first large rallies in New York City protesting the killing of George Floyd, in Minneapolis, last month.
Myrie lives with his mother, a home-health aide, in the same apartment building on Flatbush Avenue where he was raised. A product of local public schools, he went on to college at Fordham and has a law degree from Cornell. Despite growing up in a neighborhood where police often rousted young black men on the street, Myrie never had a severely bad encounter with officers.
When police ordered protesters to move, Myrie said that he complied. But he was jarred as bicycle wheels banged into his legs and back. “I see them pushing everyone, weaponizing their bikes,” he recalled. “Then I start getting shoved by the S.R.G. officers as well.” When he turned to tell the cops that there was no need to push, he saw an officer wearing a face shield aim a can of pepper spray at him. “I see the orange chemical leaving the canister,” he said. “It is a haunting image for me. I get hit directly in the eyes.”
As Myrie roared in pain, he heard shouts of “cuff him, cuff him.” His arms were twisted behind him as plastic zip ties were tightly bound on his wrists. “It was pain like I never felt in my life,” he said. “I had never been pepper-sprayed. It was a combination of the burning and the bewilderment at being arrested while trying to keep the peace.”
In that volatile instant, it occurred to Myrie that if he made the wrong movement it could cost him his life. “Even talking about it now it is a really difficult thing to process,” he said last week. “Here, I had been at a protest against police brutality. I hadn’t thrown a bottle, hadn’t become belligerent, hadn’t put my hands on the officers—and here I was seeing my life pass before my eyes.”
Before Myrie could be loaded on a bus to be taken to central booking, a police supervisor recognized him and ordered him released and given medical treatment. De Blasio, who has insisted that his police force has been restrained in its treatment of peaceful demonstrators, later tried to call Myrie, but missed him. Myrie said that he was not in a hurry to call back.
When Bill de Blasio first took office, in 2014, it would have been hard to imagine that he would wind up captive to his own police department. At a time when many New Yorkers were straining under heavy-handed policing and the surging cost of living in the city, de Blasio, formerly the public advocate, rose to the occasion. Ending racial injustice and police abuse were at the core of his campaign. He seemed to understand exactly what moment the city was in, and what the majority of its citizens wanted. During his first few years in office, he made good on a campaign pledge to end stop-and-frisk policing, and chalked up a scorecard of achievements to help even the scales in an unequal city: free pre-K and after-school programs, paid sick leave, a minimum wage of fifteen dollars an hour for city employees, minimal rent hikes in regulated buildings.
But de Blasio quickly seemed to lose interest in the nitty-gritty business of governing, twice attempting foolish gambits to make himself a national political figure. In 2015, he tried to host a forum in Iowa where Democratic Presidential candidates would discuss inequality and his “Progressive Agenda.” “I can’t tell you how many hours were wasted talking about who can come to the Iowa forum,” a former aide said last week. “Everyone was rolling their eyes.” No candidate took him up on his invitation, and the event was cancelled.
Last year, he tried again, this time running as a candidate for President himself. The result was that he squandered more than a year of his second term raising funds and traipsing through primary states. He dropped out last September, after never having risen above one per cent in the polls.
Back home, de Blasio was chronically late to meetings and events. Meetings at City Hall have had to be arranged around his daily routine of being driven in his mayoral convoy from Gracie Mansion, on the Upper East Side, to the Y.M.C.A. in his old neighborhood of Park Slope, simply to sit astride ordinary exercise machines that he could find within a few blocks of his city-supplied home. “We never made an appointment before ten-thirty or eleven,” the former aide said.
New Yorkers may have got their best glimpse of the mayor de Blasio might have become in July, 2014, after the death of Eric Garner, who was put in a banned chokehold by a police officer named Daniel Pantaleo while being arrested on a petty charge of selling untaxed cigarettes. After a grand jury declined to indict Pantaleo, de Blasio spoke movingly at a Staten Island church about how he and his wife, Chirlane McCray, who is black, had talked to their son, Dante, about “a history that still hangs over us, the dangers he may face” in encounters with police.
But de Blasio’s courage failed him a few days later, after a man gunned down two young police officers. The killer, who then shot himself, had threatened on social media to kill cops, citing the deaths of Garner and other police victims. The police-union chief, Patrick Lynch, accused de Blasio of having stoked anti-police sentiment. “There’s blood on many hands tonight,” Lynch told reporters outside the hospital where the victims were taken. “That blood on the hands starts on the steps of City Hall in the office of the mayor.” At the funeral of one of the victims, in a well-orchestrated maneuver, hundreds of police officers turned their backs to a video screen showing the Mayor.According to the former aide, the incident left de Blasio “terrified of his own police.” Instead of ordering Pantaleo fired, he and his police commissioners dithered for five years before terminating him last summer. When, in 2016, lawyers in the police department said that they wanted to stop providing public notice of disciplinary actions taken against officers, arguing that it was illegal under a state law known as 50-A, de Blasio went along with them. Disclosing disciplinary actions had been standard for years, even under the militantly pro-cop Rudy Giuliani. It was one of the few narrow windows providing any transparency into police accountability.
Throughout the George Floyd protests, de Blasio has praised police performance, repeatedly calling his law-enforcement officers “extraordinary.” He has said that a “violent element” of protesters that engaged in property damage and violence “created a very complex situation.” In a frequent refrain, he has cited the crowd-control tools that he has spared the city: there has been no National Guard, no rubber bullets, no tear gas, and no police on horseback. Pressed about instances in which cops used force on peaceful protesters, de Blasio has often pleaded ignorance but promised to investigate.
On May 30th, a video surfaced showing a pair of police S.U.V.s driving into a crowd of protesters, who had showered them with plastic water bottles and garbage. The Mayor initially defended the police actions. “It’s clear that a different element has come into play here who are trying to hurt police officers and trying to damage their vehicles,” he said. “And, if a police officer is in that situation, they have to get out of that situation.”
Lander, whose district borders the block where the incident took place, was appalled. He had recently helped pass a city law curbing reckless drivers. “What does it take to drive eyes open into a crowd of pedestrians?” he asked. “You have to want to injure. It’s really impossible to square what the Mayor says with reality.”
The same disconnect was noted by some of the Mayor’s former closest advisers....Neal Kwatra, a consultant who worked on several political campaigns for de Blasio, said he was struck by how isolated the Mayor had become. Listening to a mayoral press conference on June 2nd, he heard de Blasio issue a plaintive plea for support, from civil leaders and members of the clergy. “It was almost as if he was talking to strangers. The Bill de Blasio I knew would have had them with him, showing solidarity,” Kwatra said. “It frankly looked pathetic. It looked like he had no friends.”
Many of those allies are no longer there for him, and some of those defections must be especially painful. Richard Buery, a former deputy mayor who helped create de Blasio’s much lauded pre-K program, has repeatedly denounced the N.Y.P.D.’s conduct on Twitter. Last week, in a clear reference to the Mayor, he posted Martin Luther King, Jr.,’s famous warning about “the white moderate who is more devoted to order than to justice.”
Monica Klein and Elana Leopold, key aides on de Blasio’s mayoral campaigns, posted a joint statement on social media this week about the man they helped elect. “We have been sickened by the Mayor’s unwavering support of racist police brutality,” they wrote.
De Blasio faces mammoth challenges in his remaining nineteen months in office—perhaps the biggest being the city’s recovery from the coronavirus. The mayor initially resisted warnings from health advisers that the city needed to begin shutting down in order to avoid contagion. On March 15th, he ordered schools and restaurants to close and the city’s health department issued a warning to New Yorkers to stay home. The next morning, the mayor went back to the gym. His delay in ordering the closings may well have been costly. “Days earlier & so many deaths could have been prevented,” Tom Frieden, the former city health-department chief who also led the Centers for Disease Control, tweeted.
The coronavirus has killed an estimated twenty-two thousand people in the city, sent more than fifty-three thousand people to the hospital, and blown an estimated $9.5 billion hole in his budget over this year and next, according to the city’s Independent Budget Office.
Meanwhile, in a scene that New York had never witnessed, several hundred people who have worked in the de Blasio administration held a rally outside City Hall to voice their anger with the Mayor. Previously, six hundred current and former city employees, including many of the staff of the Mayor’s Office of Criminal Justice, had signed an open letter to de Blasio, condemning his refusal to confront the police department. “We could not remain silent while the Administration we served allows the NYPD to turn our City into an occupied territory,” they wrote. “This is not how we thought this movie would end,” Jonathan Rosen said.
Leaders need to be either loved or feared, Machiavelli said. Bill de Blasio was never much loved, and he is clearly not feared. The city that he led has left him well behind. “Does he come back from this? The answer is no,” Hank Sheinkopf, a veteran political consultant who has worked on many city elections, said.
On May 30th, a video surfaced showing a pair of police S.U.V.s driving into a crowd of protesters, who had showered them with plastic water bottles and garbage. The Mayor initially defended the police actions. “It’s clear that a different element has come into play here who are trying to hurt police officers and trying to damage their vehicles,” he said. “And, if a police officer is in that situation, they have to get out of that situation.”
Lander, whose district borders the block where the incident took place, was appalled. He had recently helped pass a city law curbing reckless drivers. “What does it take to drive eyes open into a crowd of pedestrians?” he asked. “You have to want to injure. It’s really impossible to square what the Mayor says with reality.”
The same disconnect was noted by some of the Mayor’s former closest advisers....Neal Kwatra, a consultant who worked on several political campaigns for de Blasio, said he was struck by how isolated the Mayor had become. Listening to a mayoral press conference on June 2nd, he heard de Blasio issue a plaintive plea for support, from civil leaders and members of the clergy. “It was almost as if he was talking to strangers. The Bill de Blasio I knew would have had them with him, showing solidarity,” Kwatra said. “It frankly looked pathetic. It looked like he had no friends.”
Many of those allies are no longer there for him, and some of those defections must be especially painful. Richard Buery, a former deputy mayor who helped create de Blasio’s much lauded pre-K program, has repeatedly denounced the N.Y.P.D.’s conduct on Twitter. Last week, in a clear reference to the Mayor, he posted Martin Luther King, Jr.,’s famous warning about “the white moderate who is more devoted to order than to justice.”
Monica Klein and Elana Leopold, key aides on de Blasio’s mayoral campaigns, posted a joint statement on social media this week about the man they helped elect. “We have been sickened by the Mayor’s unwavering support of racist police brutality,” they wrote.
De Blasio faces mammoth challenges in his remaining nineteen months in office—perhaps the biggest being the city’s recovery from the coronavirus. The mayor initially resisted warnings from health advisers that the city needed to begin shutting down in order to avoid contagion. On March 15th, he ordered schools and restaurants to close and the city’s health department issued a warning to New Yorkers to stay home. The next morning, the mayor went back to the gym. His delay in ordering the closings may well have been costly. “Days earlier & so many deaths could have been prevented,” Tom Frieden, the former city health-department chief who also led the Centers for Disease Control, tweeted.
The coronavirus has killed an estimated twenty-two thousand people in the city, sent more than fifty-three thousand people to the hospital, and blown an estimated $9.5 billion hole in his budget over this year and next, according to the city’s Independent Budget Office.
Meanwhile, in a scene that New York had never witnessed, several hundred people who have worked in the de Blasio administration held a rally outside City Hall to voice their anger with the Mayor. Previously, six hundred current and former city employees, including many of the staff of the Mayor’s Office of Criminal Justice, had signed an open letter to de Blasio, condemning his refusal to confront the police department. “We could not remain silent while the Administration we served allows the NYPD to turn our City into an occupied territory,” they wrote. “This is not how we thought this movie would end,” Jonathan Rosen said.
Leaders need to be either loved or feared, Machiavelli said. Bill de Blasio was never much loved, and he is clearly not feared. The city that he led has left him well behind. “Does he come back from this? The answer is no,” Hank Sheinkopf, a veteran political consultant who has worked on many city elections, said.
Poll finds majority of Americans are okay with NFL protests during the anthem
Among the questions was this one: “Is it OK for NFL players to kneel during the national anthem to protest police killings of African Americans?”
According to Yahoo Sports, 52 percent of respondents said it was, compared with 36 percent who said it was not (while 12 percent weren’t sure). That represents a shift from as recently as August 2018, when an NBC News-Wall Street Journal poll found 54 percent of respondents said it is inappropriate for pro football players to protest racial inequality by kneeling during the national anthem, while 43 percent said it was appropriate.
A Washington Post-Kaiser Family Foundation poll taken in October 2016 found that 53 percent said it was “never appropriate” to take a knee during the anthem, with 42 percent saying it was sometimes appropriate to do so.
The issue of NFL players protesting racial injustice and police brutality burst onto the national stage in 2016 amid a presidential race as San Francisco 49ers quarterback Colin Kaepernick inspired other NFL players to stage demonstrations during pregame renditions of the anthem.
In October 2016, the Post-Kaiser Family Foundation poll found that 54 percent of American adults disapproved of the protests, while just 38 percent approved.
After President Trump sharply criticized the protests in 2017, encouraging NFL team owners to get any “son of a bitch off the field” who takes a knee during the anthem, the league saw huge numbers of players and even some coaches and owners stage demonstrations before games. That number sharply dwindled by the 2019 season, but the societal issues Kaepernick and others sought to bring to Americans’ attention have been at the forefront of the national conversation since the May 25 death of George Floyd, an unarmed black man, at the hands of a white Minneapolis police officer.
Corporations have been under increased pressure not only to take strong stands against racism but to promise positive action, and the NFL said Thursday it was pledging $250 million over 10 years to “combat systemic racism and support the battle against the ongoing and historic injustices faced by African Americans.”
Last week, NFL Commissioner Roger Goodell declared his league was “wrong for not listening to NFL players earlier and encourage all to speak out and peacefully protest.”
“We, the National Football League, condemn racism and the systematic oppression of black people,” Goodell said. “… We, the National Football League, believe black lives matter."
One potential outcome of Thursday’s poll results is that they might help convince an NFL team that the national climate has changed enough that signing Kaepernick, who has made it clear he still wants to play, could be good for business or at least not spark a major backlash from fans.
In a glimmer of hope for the 32-year-old quarterback, Seattle Seahawks Coach Pete Carroll said an NFL team called him Thursday to ask about Kaepernick. Carroll, whose team was the only one that showed even a semblance of interest in Kaepernick in 2017 and 2018, had called the latter “a symbol of courage” last week while asserting “we owe a tremendous amount to him” for his activism.