Showing posts with label REPUBLICANS. Show all posts
Showing posts with label REPUBLICANS. Show all posts

April 12, 2020

The Supreme Court Fails Us.This Is How Republicans Steal an Election, and Maybe Kill Some Dems in the Process



LINDA GREENHOUSE, NY TIMES
The Supreme Court just met its first test of the coronavirus era. It failed, spectacularly.

I was hoping not to have to write those sentences. All day Monday, I kept refreshing my computer’s link to the court’s website.

I was anxious to see how the justices would respond to the urgent request from the Republican National Committee and Wisconsin’s Republican-controlled Legislature to stop the state from counting absentee ballots postmarked not by Tuesday’s election but during the following few days.

A federal district judge, noting that Wisconsin’s election apparatus was overwhelmed by the “avalanche of absentee ballots” sought by voters afraid to show up at crowded polling places, had ordered the extra time last Thursday, with the full support of the state’s election officials. Was I the only one left in suspense on Monday, holding out hope that the five Republican-appointed Supreme Court justices would put partisanship aside and let the District Court order stand?

In early evening, the answer landed with a thud. No, they would not.

In more than four decades of studying and writing about the Supreme Court, I’ve seen a lot (and yes, I’m thinking of Bush v. Gore). But I’ve rarely seen a development as disheartening as this one: a squirrelly, intellectually dishonest lecture in the form of an unsigned majority opinion, addressed to the four dissenting justices (Need I name them? Ruth Bader Ginsburg, Stephen Breyer, Sonia Sotomayor and Elena Kagan), about how “this court has repeatedly emphasized that lower federal courts should ordinarily not alter the election rules on the eve of an election.”

Let’s think about that. “Ordinarily not alter”?

There are quite a few things that should not ordinarily be happening these days. People shouldn’t ordinarily be afraid of catching a deadly virus when exercising their right to vote. Half the poll-worker shifts in the city of Madison are not ordinarily vacant, abandoned by a work force composed mostly of people at high risk because of their age.

Milwaukee voters are not ordinarily reduced to using only five polling places. Typically, 180 are open. (Some poll workers who did show up on Tuesday wore hazmat suits. Many voters, forced to stand in line for hours, wore masks.) And the number of requests for absentee ballots in Milwaukee doesn’t ordinarily grow by a factor of 10, leading to a huge backlog for processing and mailing.

I wonder how Chief Justice John Roberts and Justices Clarence Thomas, Samuel Alito, Neil Gorsuch and Brett Kavanaugh understand the word “ordinarily.” And I wonder why the opinion was issued per curiam — “by the court.” Did none of the five have the nerve to take ownership by signing his name?

That the dispute that reached the Supreme Court was the result of intense partisan rancor in a state with a history of Republican-devised voter suppression should have been reason enough for the conservative bloc to stay its hand. Instead, it seems to have been catnip: The Wisconsin Republicans, after all, needed the Supreme Court’s help if they were to keep voter participation as low as possible.

As the pandemic crisis mounted and other states started postponing their elections, Wisconsin’s Republican-gerrymandered State Legislature blocked efforts by Gov. Tony Evers, a Democrat, to go to all-mail balloting or to defer the election until June. This was an important election, including not only the Democratic presidential primary but also a highly charged state Supreme Court election, plus elections for 139 other judicial offices and more than 3,000 local positions. The stymied Democrats eventually went to court, seeking an order to postpone the election or, failing that, at least grant relief to those absentee voters who could not possibly get their ballots in on time.

In his ruling last Thursday, the District Court judge, William Conley, declined to take what he called “the extraordinary step of delaying a statewide election at the last minute.” Nonetheless, he said, he was persuaded that “the asserted harm is imminent and a timely resolution is necessary if there is any hope of vindicating the voting rights of Wisconsin citizens.”

In fashioning his order, Judge Conley noted that the head of the Wisconsin Election Commission had assured the court that moving the deadline “will not impact the ability to complete the canvass in a timely manner.” He also observed that “the amicus briefs from various local governments suggest that an extension of the deadline would be heartily welcomed by many local officials.” The United States Court of Appeals for the Seventh Circuit denied the Republicans’ request for a stay. The urgent appeal to the Supreme Court followed.

I’ve described the reasoning in the judge’s 53-page opinion in this detail because anyone reading only the Supreme Court’s majority opinion would come away thinking that the order was the act of a rogue judge, cramming an extreme remedy for a nonexistent problem down the throat of a resistant public. There is barely a hint in the opinion of the turmoil in the country. Did it not occur to these justices to wonder why they were working at home rather than in their chambers? It was left to Justice Ginsburg in her dissenting opinion to point out that “the District Court was reacting to a grave, rapidly developing public health crisis.”

Voters waiting in line at a polling site in Milwaukee on Tuesday.

MICHAEL TOMASKY, DAILY BEAST

If you’re still naive enough to believe that this November’s election is going to be fair, you need to pay attention to what just happened in Wisconsin. The facts are plain. We have a political party of gangsters, and they are going to steal the election.

Things seems to have worked in Wisconsin exactly as Republicans planned. Just under 19,000 people braved the lines and the pandemic to cast votes yesterday in Milwaukee. As the Journal-Sentinel noted, “That number will be dwarfed by absentee balloting when the numbers are counted.”

Republicans are counting on having an advantage in those absentee ballots, meaning that the race they cared about here, the whole reason they rigged this, seems likely to go in their favor. Conservative State Supreme Court Justice Daniel Kelly will probably defeat liberal challenger Jill Karofsky. If he wins, Kelly—who recused himself from the decision from the state high court that allowed this insane in-person election to go on in the first place — will be poised to cast the court’s deciding vote in a case that will purge more than 200,000 voters from the rolls in time for this November’s election.

It’s impossible to overstate how sick and venal and corrupt this is, and the corruption involves everyone from state pols to Justice John Roberts, who was part of that despicable Supreme Court decision Monday night allowing the election to go on. I’d call it a conspiracy, but it’s not that. Conspiracies are hidden. This, they’re doing in plain sight, right in front of us. They are openly, flauntingly, proudly against free elections.

It happens in stages. Stage One is rig the legislature. In 2018, Democratic candidates for Wisconsin state assembly won 190,000 more votes than Republicans collectively. And yet, Republicans miraculously won 63 of 99 seats.

Stage Two is file a lawsuit arguing that the state has to purge voters who failed to respond to a mailer from the state elections commission. I don’t know Wisconsin state election law, but morally and logically, the idea that voters should have to respond to a mailer to preserve their right to vote is insane. It’s an obvious attempt to purge the rolls in a way that hits people of color and more Democrats than Republicans.

Stage Three is to get the courts to call this legal. Wisconsin Republicans found their scheme thwarted here, for two reasons. First, an appeals court earlier this year ordered that the purge be stopped. The Wisconsin Institute for Law and Liberty (what a name!) appealed to the State Supreme Court, on which conservatives hold a 5-2 edge. But one of the conservatives is siding with the liberals on this one.

That makes three justices against the purge. If Karofsky wins this election, she’d make four. Those 200,000-plus would be eligible to vote. Donald Trump beat Hillary Clinton by 23,000 votes in the state, or .7 percent.
So that’s how they do it. Over a period of years. The gerrymandering started in 2011. The voter purge effort started back then, too, under Scott Walker. It already worked in 2016, when turnout in the state was the lowest since 2000. The sharpest decline was in the city of Milwaukee, as Ari Berman reported in Mother Jones, which Clinton carried with 77 percent of the vote but where, oddly, 41,000 fewer people voted than in 2012. Some coincidence!

And now, because of course any event is an excuse to introduce more chaos and corruption into the process, they added a Stage Four—use the pandemic as cover for voter suppression. Did you see that disgusting footage of Assembly Speaker Robin Vos, PPE’d up like a Queens County surgeon, saying “you are incredibly safe to go out”?
Embedded video


How can this man live with himself? He’s urging people to risk sickness and death, for starters, but that isn’t even the worst of it. The worst of it is that it’s all a charade. He’s trying to get people to believe that he supported holding the election because it’s safe, not because of the real reason, which everyone knows anyway, that he wants a state high court justice who’ll bar black people from voting.

Of those 19,000, some will get sick because they went out yesterday. Some may even die. But let it not be said that they died in vain! They died so Donald Trump could steal an election.

That is what he’d going to do this fall, or try to do. Guaranteed. Cheating is in his nature, so he’d do it even if he didn’t have to, because he’s cheated virtually everybody he’s ever interacted with in his life. And the Republicans cheat because they know they have to cheat to win.

And now they turn their sights on vote by mail. Here’s Trump, Wednesday morning:


Republicans should fight very hard when it comes to state wide mail-in voting. Democrats are clamoring for it. Tremendous potential for voter fraud, and for whatever reason, doesn’t work out well for Republicans. @foxandfriends


So the order has gone out. Fox will rant about how voting by mail is corrupt and leads to fraud, and everyone else will follow. It’s not true overall, but there have been scattered problematic incidents, and as we know all too well, that’s all Fox needs: one incident. And of course it’s the perfect Trumpy touch that he himself voted by mail last month. It’s the ultimate “fuck you” gesture, an exquisite troll of the libs.

The Supreme Court will be in on it, too. Never forget that part. The Court’s ruling Monday night was legally narrow, but its real message was this: We’ll rule however we have to rule to make sure Republicans keep power. If we have to limit voting, we’ll do that. If we have to extend voting, we’ll do that too. And we’ll issue it per curiam, so none of us has to put our names on it (Bush v. Gore and the Wisconsin decision were both per curiam), and we’ll make sure to stipulate that it’s non-precedential and applies only to the current circumstance (also true of Bush and Wisconsin). On these matters, Roberts is as unprincipled as any of them. Don’t kid yourself about him.

If Trump steals this election, what will happen? I’d say I fear armed insurrection, but the anti-Trump people aren’t the ones with the guns. No—armed insurrection is far likelier if Joe Biden wins honestly, because Trump, Fox, and the Republicans will say it was stolen.

I don’t know how democracy survives these people. Piece by piece, they are dismantling it. It can happen here, folks. In fact, it’s happening already. 

November 15, 2019

The Secret Reason Republicans Won’t Impeach Trump

The modern GOP is an un-American party. It is not interested in democracy; it is interested in power and it doesn’t care how it gets it.
Broadly speaking, there are two Republican defenses of Donald Trump. The first is the hard-shell, Lindsey Graham, Jim Jordan, Mark Meadows variant: This is all outrageous, and the real criminals are the Democrats and Jim Comey and the lovely Lisa Page. This defense is what drives these nutso GOP requests to have Hunter Biden appear under oath before the House, which is about as likely as the U.S. Olympic Committee hiring Jordan as its wrestling coach.


The second, soft-shell variant is one you’ve heard a thousand times: Well, what he did was bad, or a little bad, or maybe not what I would have done; but it doesn’t rise to the level of being impeachable.
This is the attempt to sound “reasonable,” far more rational than Graham, who just openly says he won’t even read the testimony transcripts. In fact, it’s not reasonable at all. In its way, it’s worse than the full Jordan, and more insidious, because in sounding reasonable on the surface it masks the cancer that is eating the Republican Party and has been, in fact, since before Donald Trump ran for president.
That cancer is that this is no longer a small-d democratic party. It’s an authoritarian party. And the seemingly reasonable, soft-shell defense of Trump is grounded in that authoritarianism



Let me explain what I mean here by starting with the question of why these Republicans say that what Trump did was bad but not impeachable. One answer is obvious: They are afraid of Trump and his voters. They fear that Trump can turn his people against them and defeat them. 
And that’s maddening to the rest of us, but it’s also in a way comforting, because it implies that once Trump is off the scene, this madness will lift and they’ll return to “normal.”
So it’s true, but it is not the only thing that’s true. They also say that everything Trump has done is unimpeachable for this far creepier and less reassuring reason: They do not want to admit that any Republican president is capable of doing anything illegal or impeachable while in office. They simply will not allow that precedent to be established.

It’s still the case that too few people understand the truth about the modern GOP. It is an un-American party. It is not interested in democracy. It is interested in power. It doesn’t care how it gets it. Twice in the last five elections, its winning presidential candidates have lost the popular vote. Suppose that had gone the other way around. Do you think the Electoral College would still exist? I can assure you it would not. They would have found a way to gut it. But because the un-democratic results in 2000 and 2016 happened to favor them—hey, the Electoral College is great! Whatever it takes.
Everything Republicans do with respect to our political processes is explained by this truth. Matt Bevin says, with zero evidence, that there were voting irregularities in Kentucky. Yes, he’s just being a Trumpy asshole on one level, but on another, he’s asserting this fundamental Republican truth of our age: Power is more important than democracy. He’ll steal it however he can, if he can get away with it.
And as I said, all this preceded Trump. All the crazy gerrymandering is about power over democracy. Remember when the state legislatures of Wisconsin and North Carolina tried to strip their governor’s office of powers during lame-duck sessions because the incoming governors were Democrats? Power over democracy—or, in that case, limiting the legitimate democratic power of the other side. And of course Merrick Garland. Power over democracy.
None of those things—and there are others, some truly Reichstag-ish ideas like ending direct popular elections of senators, which is a thing—have anything whatsoever to do with Trump. Instead, it’s the other way around. That is, conventional wisdom holds that Trump made the GOP lose its mind. The truth is the opposite: The GOP had lost its mind before Trump, which is why he was able to take it over. He was exactly what they were waiting for.
I was trying to explain all this in New York Review of Books piece in 2018, and while I consider it mildly self-indulgent to quote myself at length, I’m going to do it in this case. Yes, I wrote, the Republicans of the Bush-Cheney era were ideologically extreme; but even then, the Republican Party remained committed to the basic idea of democratic allocation of power. Since the Civil War, Democrats and Republicans have fought sometimes fiercely over their ideological goals, but they always respected the idea of limits on their power.
No one had come along to suggest that power should be unlimited. But now someone has, and we have learned something very interesting, and alarming, about these “conservatives,” both the rank and file and holders of high office: Their overwhelming commitment is not to democratic allocation of power, but to their ideological goals—the annihilation of liberalism, the restoration of a white ethno-nationalist hegemony.
A lot of them find Trump embarrassing or worse, but on this basic point, the vast majority of them agree with Trump and appreciate the way he has freed them from having to pretend. 
So of course they’re not going to admit Trump did anything impeachable. On Planet Earth, what Trump did is open-and-shut impeachable. As Republicans surely would agree if a Democratic president had done it. 
But here’s the thing—no Democratic president would hold up military aid for another country unless its president agreed to investigate his or her political opponents because Democrats, while of course not perfect people, have enough respect for the institutions of democracy that they just wouldn’t do that. Most Republicans probably wouldn’t do it either. But now that one has, it’s possible that others will, and as long as that possibility exists, Republicans have to act like it wasn’t really that bad a thing to do. A “mistake.” 
Oh, I nearly forgot: There’s defense 2-b, that it can’t be a crime if it didn’t succeed. Nikki Haley is the latest to trot this one out. This also is legally insane on its face (there are a lot of crimes in our penal code called “attempted” this or that, and they’re still crimes). But, again, it is rooted in the party’s authoritarian DNA. It’s a desperate rationale for holding on to power at all costs.
Is there some line that even Trump can’t cross, that will make Republicans say enough, and choose democracy over power? In theory, yes, but only if their backs are against the wall and the garrotes are held at their necks. Until that unlikely day, we will hear excuse after excuse.
David Frum wrote in January 2018: “If conservatives become convinced that they cannot win democratically, they will not abandon conservatism. They will reject democracy.” He was late. They already had. But he was, to quote an old Frum book title, Dead Right
So when you hear someone on television say that Republicans’ posture is all about their fear of Trump, don’t buy it. It’s partly about that. But it’s also about this. If they were to acquiesce in the removal of a Republican president, they’d be placing democracy ahead of power. And this is one thing that we know they will not do. 

November 7, 2019



The Suburban Backlash Against the GOP Is Growing


RONALD BROWNSTEIN, ATLANTIC



The shift of metro areas away from the Republican Party under President Donald Trump rumbled on in yesterday’s elections, threatening the fundamental calculation of his 2020 reelection plan.
Amid all the various local factors that shaped GOP losses—from Kentucky to Virginia, from suburban Philadelphia to Wichita, Kansas—the clearest pattern was a continuing erosion of the party’s position in the largest metropolitan areas. Across the highest-profile races, Democrats benefited from two trends favoring them in metro areas: high turnout in urban cores that have long been the party’s strongholds, and improved performance in white-collar suburban areas that previously leaned Republican.
“When Trump was elected, there was an initial rejection of him in the suburbs,” says Jesse Ferguson, a Virginia-based Democratic strategist. “We are now seeing a full-on realignment.”
In that way, the GOP’s losses again raised the stakes for Republicans heading into 2020. In both message and agenda, Trump has reoriented the Republican Party toward the priorities and grievances of non-college-educated, evangelical, and nonurban white voters. His campaign has already signaled that it will focus its 2020 efforts primarily on turning out more working-class and rural white voters who did not participate in 2016.


But yesterday’s results again suggested that the costs of that intensely polarizing strategy may exceed the benefits. Republicans again suffered resounding repudiations in urban centers and inner suburbs, which contain many of the nonwhite, young-adult, and white-collar white voters who polls show are most resistant to Trump. If the metropolitan movement away from the Trump-era GOP “is permanent, there’s not much of a path for Republican victories nationally,” former Representative Tom Davis of Virginia, who chaired the National Republican Congressional Committee about two decades ago, told me.
Some in both parties see the results as more confirmation of the pattern from the 2018 midterm elections, when Democrats won a majority in the House of Representatives: Trump’s effort to mobilize his nonurban base around white identity politics is having the offsetting effect of turbocharging Democratic turnout in metropolitan areas, which are growing faster than Trump’s rural strongholds.
“The Trump campaign has focused on a singular strategy of looking for more voters who look like the type of voters who already like him, rather than trying to persuade anyone else,” says Josh Schwerin, senior adviser at Priorities USA, a Democratic super PAC that spent heavily in the Virginia races. “But the issues they are using to motivate those potential voters create a backlash for voters in metro areas who don’t like Trump.”
Unique local conditions contributed to each of yesterday’s most disappointing results for Republicans. In Virginia, Democrats benefited from a court-mandated redistricting of some state legislative districts after the initial lines drawn by the Republican-controlled legislature in 2011 were deemed discriminatory against minorities. The new maps substantially increased the African American share of the electorate in four of the six state House seats that Democrats appear to have captured, according to data collected by the Virginia Public Access Project. Huge spending by outside groups focused on gun control, gay rights, and legal abortion also boosted Democrats there.
In Kentucky, the Democrat Andy Beshear appeared to oust incumbent Republican Governor Matt Bevin, though the Associated Press still has yet to declare him the winner and Bevin has indicated he may contest the result. Bevin, a belligerent figure, was among the country’s most unpopular governors, and he provoked a fierce organizing effort against him by teachers and organized labor. “By all accounts, this was the best get-out-the-vote effort ever mounted in Kentucky by the Democrats … driven by the teachers and the labor unions,” says Al Cross, the director of the Institute for Rural Journalism at the University of Kentucky. Bevin also appeared to suffer in rural areas from his drive to pull back the state’s Medicaid expansion under the Affordable Care Act. And even as Bevin apparently was defeated, Kentucky Republicans posted solid wins in the other statewide elections.


But looming over all these local factors was the consistency of the metropolitan movement away from the GOP. Not only in urban centers, but also in suburban and even some exurban communities, Democrats reaped a double benefit: They increased their share of the vote even as turnout surged.
The combination produced some astounding results in Kentucky. Beshear won the state’s two largest counties—Jefferson (which includes Louisville) and Fayette (which includes Lexington)—by a combined 135,000 votes, according to preliminary results. That was nearly triple the total vote advantage that Jack Conway, the Democrats’ 2015 nominee against Bevin, generated in those two counties. Beshear in fact won almost exactly as many votes as Hillary Clinton did in Jefferson County and slightly more than she did in Fayette—an incredible achievement given how much lower turnout usually is for a governor’s race in an off year. “That’s insane. It is incredible. It cannot be stressed enough,” says Rachel Bitecofer, a political scientist at Christopher Newport University, in Virginia.
The legislative elections in Virginia show the same pattern of the suburban erosion for the GOP in the Trump era. Democrats overthrew narrow Republican majorities in both chambers of the General Assembly by capturing at least five state House seats (while leading narrowly in a sixth) and two in the state Senate. They included seats in the Washington, D.C., suburbs of Northern Virginia and near the state capital of Richmond. For the first time in 50 years, Democrats now control all of the state House seats in Fairfax County, which is near Washington, D.C.
But those new gains were probably less telling than what didn’t change: Democrats didn’t lose any of the previously Republican seats that they captured in suburban areas—particularly Northern Virginia and Richmond—in their landslide win in the state in 2017, which foreshadowed Democrats’ gains in the 2018 midterms. “The key is, the Republicans didn’t win back any of the suburban seats they lost,” Davis said. “Basically the mold in those areas hardened. We were like, ‘Oh it was temporary—a one-time turnout [surge].’ But they didn’t win them back.”
The Democrats’ suburban gains extended down the ballot too. For example, Loudon and Prince William Counties, in the outer Washington suburbs, were once symbols of Republican strength in fast-growing exurbs. Yesterday, Democrats flipped control of the county commissions in both of them.
A similar pattern unfolded in the suburbs of Philadelphia, where Democrats captured a majority in three different counties’ boards and defended their majority in a fourth; the area is likely crucial to the party’s 2020 prospects in Pennsylvania.
Republicans pointed to some good news: The party held the governor’s mansion in Mississippi, ousted a Democrat in a New Jersey state House seat that Trump won in 2016, and elected an African American Republican attorney general in Kentucky. They avoided the worst case scenario in Virginia by holding close four state Senate seats where Democrats reached about 48 percent of the vote or more. But the bottom line across all the results is clear. As Davis starkly put it, “This was not a good night for the Republican Party.”


John Weaver, a veteran Republican political strategist who has been critical of Trump, says that while Republicans can “cherry-pick” local factors behind each of their losses, the cumulative pattern of suburban erosion for the party is unmistakable. “We are not talking about a gradual change,” he says. “We are talking about dramatic overnight flips from what used to be reliably Republican to now reliably Democrat. And the turnout is massive.”
Though Bevin suffered some erosion in rural eastern counties in the state, the GOP generally held its ground in such areas, both in Kentucky and Virginia. That widening separation between the GOP’s strength outside of metro areas and an intensifying tilt toward Democrats inside of them continues the underlying pattern of geographic polarization that has defined politics in the Trump era.
In 2016, Trump lost 87 of the 100 largest U.S. counties by a combined 15 million votes, but then won over 2,600 of the remaining 3,000 counties, the most for any presidential nominee in either party since Ronald Reagan in 1984. In 2018, Republicans suffered sweeping congressional losses across urban and suburban America, but avoided hardly any congressional losses in heavily rural districts. While big showings in diverse metro areas helped Democrats win Republican-held Senate seats in Arizona and Nevada, Republicans snatched three Senate seats from Democrats in states with large rural white populations: North Dakota, Missouri, and Indiana.
Rather than looking to court urban areas, Trump has more frequently denounced places such as Chicago, San Francisco, and Los Angeles in an attempt to energize his mostly nonurban base. He continues to aim his message preponderantly at culturally conservative whites, and his campaign has signaled that it considers increasing turnout among such voters central to his reelection hopes.
Few in either party dispute that such a strategy could allow Trump to squeeze out another Electoral College victory, even if he loses the popular vote; he could do so by holding a narrow advantage in a few closely contested states, from Florida, North Carolina, and Arizona in the Sun Belt to Wisconsin, Pennsylvania, and Michigan in the Rust Belt.
But yesterday’s results underscore how narrow a wire the president is walking with that strategy. Even taking into account Bevin’s personal unpopularity, Bitecofer says the Kentucky result should caution Republicans about a plan that accepts metropolitan losses to maximize rural and small-town gains. “If it can’t work in Kentucky … you cannot do it in Wisconsin or Michigan,” she says. Beyond Trump, the urban/nonurban divisions evident in this week’s elections “should scare the ever-loving bejesus” out of 2020 Republican Senate candidates in states with large metropolitan populations, including Arizona, Colorado, and North Carolina. “Their danger level … has increased exponentially,” she argues.


Another GOP strategist, who spoke on the condition of anonymity to discuss internal party strategy, took a similar, if less severe, lesson from the results. In 2016, the strategist noted, Trump benefited not only because rural and non-college-educated white voters turned out in big numbers, but because turnout was weak among minorities and mediocre among young people. But in 2018—and again last night—large turnout in metropolitan areas swamped strong showings for the GOP in rural communities, the strategist noted. That raises the question of whether even big turnout in nonmetro areas will suffice for Trump if the metropolitan areas moving away from him continue to vote at the elevated levels evident in 2018 and 2019.
Trump can’t bank on a 2016 redux: “Clearly that isn’t going to happen this time,” the strategist told me.
Davis, the former NRCC chair, likewise believes that the GOP’s transformation from a party of “the country club to the country” does not add up to long-term success. “What’s happening is that the fast-growing areas [are] where the Democrats are doing better,” he told me. “There aren’t enough white rural voters to make up the difference.” In 2020, he said, “the silver lining” could be if Democrats nominate an extremely liberal presidential candidate, such as Senators Elizabeth Warren or Bernie Sanders, who could leave anti-Trump suburban voters “conflicted.” But, given the intensity of the suburban backlash to Trump, he said, even that is no guarantee that those voters will rebound to him.
Such words of warning have been extremely rare among Republicans: Despite the GOP’s recent metropolitan losses, Trump’s approach has generated astonishingly little dissent inside the party. Yesterday’s results are unlikely to break that silence. But Weaver, like other GOP strategists dubious of Trump, says the party cannot indefinitely ignore the implications of prioritizing rural strength at the price of losing ground in the urban centers, which more and more are driving the nation’s economic innovation and its growth in population and jobs.
“Politics is a free-market enterprise. You have to sell a product,” Weaver says. “And Republicans are going to find themselves, by their own decision making, eliminated as an option for many, many voters, many, many demographic groups for generations to come.”

October 7, 2019



Trump Distraction Backfires. U.S.Withdrawal From Syria Leaves Trump Isolated as Republican Allies Rebel.



NY TIMES




June 10, 2014

GLOOMY FORECAST: GOP HAS A 55% CHANCE OF WINNING THE SENATE



Senate Minority Leader Mitch McConnell, left, and Senate Majority Leader Harry Reid testify during a Senate Judiciary Committee hearing on June 3, 2014.

NATE SILVER, five-thirty-eight

The Senate playing field remains fairly broad. There are 10 races where we give each party at least a 20 percent chance of winning,1 so there is a fairly wide range of possible outcomes. But all but two of those highly competitive races (the two exceptions are Georgia and Kentucky) are in states that are currently held by Democrats. Furthermore, there are three states — South Dakota, West Virginia, and Montana2 — where Democratic incumbents are retiring, and where Republicans have better than an 80 percent chance of making a pickup, in our view.
So it’s almost certain that Republicans are going to gain seats. The question is whether they’ll net the six pickups necessary to win control of the Senate. If the Republicans win only five seats, the Senate would be split 50-50 but Democrats would continue to control it because of the tie-breaking vote of Vice President Joseph Biden.

Our March forecast projected a Republicans gain of 5.8 seats. You’ll no doubt notice the decimal place; how can a party win a fraction of a Senate seat? It can’t, but our forecasts are probabilistic; a gain of 5.8 seats is the total you get by summing the probabilities from each individual race. Because 5.8 seats is closer to six (a Republican takeover) than five (not quite), we characterized the GOP as a slight favorite to win the Senate.
The new forecast is for a Republican gain of 5.7 seats. So it’s shifted ever so slightly — by one-tenth of a seat — toward being a toss-up. Still, if asked to place a bet at even odds, we’d take a Republican Senate.

Of course, it can be silly to worry about distinctions that amount to a tenth of a seat, or a couple of percentage points. Nobody cares all that much about the difference between 77 percent and 80 percent and 83 percent. But this race is very close. When you say something has a 47 percent chance of happening, people interpret that a lot differently than if you say 50 percent or 53 percent — even though they really shouldn’t.3
It’s important to clarify that these forecasts are not the results of a formal model or statistical algorithm — although it’s based on an assessment of the same major factors that our algorithm uses. (Our
tradition is to switch over to fully automated and algorithmic Senate forecasts at some point during the summer.)

President Obama steps off Air Force One as he arrives at Orly Airport in Paris on Thursday.

We usually begin these forecast updates with a broad view of the political landscape. Not all that much has changed over the past couple of months.
Over the past year and a half, the president has been bedraggled by foreign policy controversies, including his handling of the attacks in Benghazi, Libya, and their aftermath, the National Security Agency’s collection of data at home and abroad, Russia’s incursion into Ukraine, and, most recently, the prisoner swap for Sgt. Bowe Bergdahl.

  • Both Democratic and Republican voters report lower levels of enthusiasm today than they did in 2010 (perhaps for good reason). But Republican voters are more enthusiastic than Democrats on a relative basis. That will potentially translate to an “enthusiasm gap” which favors the GOP, but not as much as it did in 2010.

  • Republicans’ recruiting of viable candidates is going better than in 2010 and 2012 although not uniformly so: they face potential issues in Mississippi and Oregon, for instance.

  • The quality of polling is somewhat problematic. Much of it comes from firms like Public Policy Polling and Rasmussen Reports with dubious methodologies, explicitly partisan polling firms or new companies that so far have little track record. As a potential bright spot for Democrats, polling firms that use industry-standard methodologies seem to show slightly better results for them, on average. However, these high-quality polls are mostly reporting results among registered voters only, rather than likely voters. Thus, they aren’t yet accounting for the GOP’s potential turnout advantage.

  • April 14, 2014

    THE REPUBLICAN CASE FOR & AGAINST JEB BUSH (SHOULD HE CHOOSE TO RUN)


    Former Florida Gov. Jeb Bush speaks during a Long Island Association luncheon.

    538, HARRY ENTIN


    Earlier this week, Buzzfeed’s Ben Smith wrote a piece about the presidential prospects of former Florida Gov. Jeb Bush, who has been receiving more media attention since the dimming of New Jersey Gov. Chris Christie’s star. Smith put it concisely — “Jeb Bush is a terrible candidate” — and argued that Bush is out of touch with the Republican base on such issues as education policy and immigration reform (although polling paints a muddy picture of how the majority of Republicans feel about immigration). He also compared Bush with former Utah Gov. Jon Huntsman, who flailed in his 2012 presidential run.
    There’s no data set I know of that can predict with any reasonable confidence whether Bush is going to run or not. And if he does, Smith may end up being correct. Bush hasn’t run for office since 2002. He could be rusty or make too many statements out of line with the Republican mainstream, as Huntsman did.
    Bush does have more going for him than Huntsman ever did. Besides not having worked for President Obama, Bush has more establishment support, a more conservative record and is affiliated with a brand that Republicans have voted for and still like. In a divided field, that means he has as good a chance as any Republican of winning the party’s nomination.

     

     The Washington Post’s Philip Rucker and Robert Costa, who are well sourced among Republican insiders, wrote that the GOP “establishment” is encouraging Bush to run. Leaders in the financial sector and evangelical community have been doing the same. One of Rucker and Costa’s sources said that the “vast majority” of 2012 GOP candidate Mitt Romney’s top donors would back Bush in a competitive nomination.
    In the GOP, establishment support has usually foretold who will win the party’s nod. When a Republican candidate has won the majority of endorsements from GOP public officials, he has also won the nomination, as discussed in the book “The Party Decides.” Romney, for instance, took the most endorsements in 2012.
    It may be true, as Emory University political science professor Alan Abramowitz pointed out, that the tea party is the “most politically active segment of the GOP electoral base.” But since Barry Goldwater took the Republican nomination in 1964, politicians who have challenged the establishment candidate from the right have always lost: Rick Santorum in 2012, Mike Huckabee in 2008 and Pat Buchanan in 1996 are some examples; Ronald Reagan won the nomination in 1980 after gathering establishment support, but not in 1976 when he challenged Gerald Ford.

    Jeb Bush



    Bush’s overall policy positions look like those of previous GOP nominees over the past 50 years. In an analysis of different ideological rating systems by FiveThirtyEight editor-in-chief Nate Silver, Bush’s ideology was similar on a left-right scale to Romney’s and John McCain’s.
    Voters who support less extreme candidates can still swing Republican nominations, according to Henry Olsen of the Ethics and Public Policy Center, a conservative advocacy group. (Just ask Romney and McCain.) And even very conservative Republicans are concerned about winning the White House: The ability to defeat Obama was the No. 1 most important quality for a candidate in 2012. The GOP insiders that Rucker and Costa cite have deemed Bush an electable candidate (for now).
    2016 could be different if the tea party has its way. But — as “The Party Decides” found —  the longer a party has been out of the White House, the more it tends to nominate more moderate candidates. That’s not to say that potential nominees won’t try to placate the tea party, or religious conservatives like those who voted for Santorum. But such groups’ influence could be lessened as Republicans contemplate 12 or 16 years without one of their own in the White House.

     

     Bush’s familiar last name should help as well. Every Republican nominee since 1968 has satisfied one of three criteria: He’s had a family member who’d won the presidency; he’s been on a winning presidential ticket himself; or he’s come in second in a prior nomination season. These are admittedly broad criteria, but Republicans haven’t nominated relative unknowns, unlike Democrats with their Mike Dukakises and Jimmy Carters.
    Of course, the Bush brand was damaged by Jeb’s brother George. Even so, George W. Bush has averaged a favorable rating in the mid-80s among Republicans. That’s only about 5 percentage points lower than Bill Clinton’s among Democrats.
    Any analysis of primary politics is going to have a large amount of uncertainty, since primaries have decided presidential nominations only since 1976. That’s especially the case now, when we’re almost two years away from the first primary. There’s still no front-runner for 2016 — but Bush is a good candidate, not a terrible one.

    January 26, 2014

    Democrats enter the economic doghouse ahead of Obama’s State of the Union


    President Obama speaks during a meeting with Spanish Prime Minister Mariano Rajoy in the Oval Office of the White House in Washington, D.C., Monday, Jan. 13, 2014. (Jacquelyn Martin/AP)




    Beginning with his State of the Union speech Tuesday night, President Obama will lean hard this week into the issue voters have identified as the most important in their midterm election vote: The economy.
    The challenge for the president and his party: Win back the political high ground, which Republicans have seized on the economy for the first time in nearly 12 years. That should come as troubling news for president and his party 9 1/2 months before election day.
    Americans trust Republicans more than Democrats to do a better job handling the economy 44 percent to 37 percent, according to a new Washington Post-ABC News poll. It's the first time since 2002 that Republicans have sported a meaningful advantage, and larger than any edge congressional Republicans have held over Obama during his administration.

    Perhaps even more striking: The numbers mark a mirror image reversal from the eve of the 2010 midterms, when Republican picked up a historic 63 House seats. In October of 2010, Democrats held an identical 44-37 advantage.
    The findings come as Obama and Democrats are looking to shift attention away from the the troubled rollout of the health-care law and toward the emerging debate over economic inequality, which Obama will highlight in his speech Tuesday night. He will hit the road to visit four states beginning Wednesday to tout his administration's economic efforts.

    The question of which party is a better economic steward is increasingly important as the election draws near. Eighty-six percent of Americans say the economy will be important in their vote for Congress this year, outpacing all other issues tested in the survey.

    With economic voters splitting 47 to 43 percent between Republicans and Democrats in the generic congressional ballot, the economic trust edge has yet to convert to a clear vote advantage. But it may also help the GOP mitigate trust deficits on social issues, the minimum wage and economic empathy.
    Part of Democrats' challenge lies in recapturing enthusiasm on the economy among core supporters. Shifts among non-whites and young people have driven the GOP's momentum.
    The percentage of non-whites who say they trust the GOP more on the economy has doubled from 15 percent in 2010 to 32 percent now. Among Americans under age 40, it's climbed from 33 percent to 48 percent.

    There have been broad if unsteady signs of economic improvement in recent months. The unemployment rate fell to is lowest point since October 2008 last month. But hundreds of thousands dropped out of the work force.
    Overall the news hasn't been extremely positive or extremely negative.
    So how to explain Democrats' plight? One possibility is the that their economic message and policies have been overshadowed in recent months by damaging news related to the rollout of health-care law. Another is that the natural fatigue Americans experience with an administration in its second term is finding its way into various issues and the economy is no exception.
    No matter what the cause, it's clear that Democrats and Republicans have arrived at a pivotal moment when it comes to talking about the economy. And it's equally clear the GOP should feel better about its standing.