December 18, 2019


The Incredible, Indelible ‘Watchmen’

The finale, like the whole audacious season, broke a lot of eggs and hatched something astonishing.
Regina King in Sunday’s season finale of “Watchmen” on HBO. In its first (and perhaps only) season, the show boldly reimagined American history and pop mythology.
Credit...Mark Hill/HBO

NY TIMES


Spoilers for the full season of HBO’s “Watchmen” follow:
“Now: We have a god to kill.”
It is a bold statement that Lady Trieu (Hong Chau) makes in the finale of HBO’s “Watchmen” — boldness being part of the job description for a comic-book mad genius. It is also a kind of mission statement for this daring, breathtaking series, which in one season took American history and pop mythology, dismantled it down to its smallest atoms and reconstructed it in a form that was familiar yet wholly new.
It’s hard to overstate how risky, how primed for disaster, was the challenge that the creator, Damon Lindelof, signed up for. First, to adapt a notoriously hard-to-adapt subversive superhero comic. Then to lovingly, impishly subvert that subversion, extending the story backward and forwards in time. To do all that while reframing the story as an antiracist pulp thriller, weighty without being pompous or exploitative. Oh — and could it also be electrifying and playful and fun?
Amazingly it could, culminating in “See How They Fly,” a mind-bending, gravity-defying finale that successfully landed this improbable airship.
Like a fine watch or a chicken’s egg, the symbols the finale returned to, this season was a marvel of self-contained engineering. It succeeded, first, in craft and performance, with visual invention and memorable work from Chau, Regina King, Jean Smart, Jeremy Irons, Louis Gossett Jr. and many others. It set up a domino chain of mysteries that the finale satisfyingly paid off.
But it also created something more: an urgent entertainment that was as unignorable as the pealing of an alarm bell.
Alan Moore, the creator of the graphic novel, did not endorse this project, any more than he has other adaptations of his work. Yet Lindelof’s approach — to honor it by taking it apart and questioning the appeal of masked avengers in the first place — was very much in the spirit of the original.
Reinventing “Watchmen” by making its subject white supremacy rather than the Cold War — not to mention making its hero Angela Abar (King), an avenging black police-ninja — also meshes with Moore’s critique of the superhero genre, as he put it in a 2016 interview.
“Save for a smattering of nonwhite characters (and nonwhite creators),” Moore said, “these books and these iconic characters are still very much white supremacist dreams of the master race. In fact, I think that a good argument can be made for D.W. Griffith’s ‘Birth of a Nation’ as the first American superhero movie, and the point of origin for all those capes and masks.”
Lindelof (who wisely assembled a diverse writers’ room for the job) made a form of that argument. Then he complicated it and recomplicated it.
One of the first things we see in “Watchmen” is not “Birth of a Nation” but its imagined silent-movie antithesis: “Trust in the Law!,” the story of the black Oklahoma marshal Bass Reeves, playing in a Tulsa movie theater that is about to burn in the white-terrorist massacre of 1921.
The boy sitting in that theater grows up to be Will Reeves (Gossett), who takes the marshal’s surname and becomes America’s first superhero, Hooded Justice, under cover of a lynching victim’s mask. His “origin story,” as he calls it in the finale, is horrific. Yet there’s also a heartbreaking optimism in the idea that this child would grow up with the trust — or at least furious determination — that the law might win out, even if it took a century.
The history and present of American racism figure directly in “Watchmen”: the use of nostalgia as a literal drug; the Seventh Kavalry’s resentment at being expected to “say sorry” for the “alleged” sins of the past; the circled-thumb-and-finger-to-forehead gesture of the racist secret society Cyclops, which resembles the real-life white-power appropriation of the “O.K.” symbol.
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Credit...Mark Hill/HBO
But “Watchmen” also asked: What if black people were among the ones wearing the masks? What if a black man — a black policeman — were the first masked hero? Why would he need to shield his identity, even more than Clark Kent? And would the subterfuge work so well that — as we saw on the show-within-a-show “American Hero Story” — later generations would assume he must have been a white man?
All this played out in the sixth episode, “This Extraordinary Being,” which reimagined the origin of Moore’s Hooded Justice, astonishingly taking that character’s symbols — the hood and the noose — and tying them to the dark history of lynching in such a way that it seemed as if that reading was always there, begging to be revealed.
The “Watchmen” endgame then one-upped this gambit, remaking perhaps the original comics’ most memorable character, Dr. Manhattan, revealed here not to be in exile on Mars but living incognito as Angela’s husband, Cal (Yahya Abdul-Mateen II).
The image itself, of an African American man as the azure Übermensch — as both black and blue, to quote Fats Waller — was a striking statement, reimagining the universe’s one superbeing like an icon out of Afrofuturistic art.
Now the show was asking: What does it mean to give god a black man’s face? What if the very people once left out of superhero stories have the greatest claim of all to their themes and ideals? Who has a greater stake in truth, justice and the American way — an exile from Krypton, or the black child who fled a ruined movie theater, yet didn’t forsake the words of Bass Reeves?
In the end, “Watchmen” returned to the subject of power: Who holds it, who can be trusted with it and what should be done with it.
Superpowers are obviously horrifying in the hands of evildoers; hence the story of the Seventh Kavalry trying to steal Dr. Manhattan’s power, the show’s most conventionally comic-book-villain plot.
But “Watchmen” is also suspicious of those, like Veidt and Lady Trieu, who want to use power to impose their idea of good on the world. That opposition — toxic hate and toxic idealism — is paralleled in the background, in the fictional, quasi-autocratic presidencies of Richard Nixon and Robert Redford.
But dispassionate withdrawal, as represented by Dr. Manhattan’s retreat from the world, is no answer either. “He was a good man,” Will says. “But considering what he could do, he could have done more.”
Credit...Mark Hill/HBO
Can anybody be trusted with absolute power? Can it ever be employed in a way that won’t create new and greater problems? “Watchmen” doesn’t answer these questions. But by ending with the suggestion that Dr. Manhattan could transfer his powers to Angela (incubated, like a vaccine, in a raw egg), it offers a suggestion as to who might be the best kind of person to entrust power to.
Maybe, the ending suggests, someone who didn’t ask for it. Maybe someone who has watched god and her only love die simultaneously. Maybe a black woman who has swallowed the memories of a century of injustice and persecution and struggle, who has (through an egg and a pill) literally taken into her body both the ultimate power and the ultimate understanding of powerlessness.
We are left, to wonder what Angela will do and should do from here. In a quintessentially Lindelof move, the screen cuts to black the instant that Angela’s sole touches the surface of her swimming pool, to test whether she can, like Dr. Manhattan, walk on water.
It’s tempting to call this a “cliffhanger” though I have no reason to believe the show intends to resolve it. You could call it a “tease,” but I don’t think that’s the spirit of it at all.

Instead, “Watchmen” leaves us at the electric moment of transformation — the precise instant when foot meets water, flesh meets the elemental, mortality meets immortality.
God is dead. Long may she live.

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December 17, 2019


As Protests Rage, India Moves Closer to Becoming a Hindu Nation.

Several people have been killed as unrest spreads to new corners of the country. Many see the passage of a new law as anti-Muslim.




NY TIMES

December 16, 2019

Supporters of Israel’s Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu protesting his indictment on corruption charges last month in Tel Aviv.

Israel Heads to Record Third Election, Extending Deadlock

Unable to form a government after two elections, the deeply polarized country will return to the polls for a third time in less than a year, most likely in March.

NY TIMES

Having failed to form a government after two elections, Israel barreled toward a record third on Wednesday, extending the political deadlock that has paralyzed the country for nearly a year and assuring at least three more months of bitter, divisive campaigning and government dysfunction.
And with the country hopelessly divided over the fate of Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu, who has been indicted on three counts of corruption, there is little indication that the third election will be any more decisive than the first two.
Israel’s inability to break the logjam has raised questions about the political system its citizens often boast is the only democracy in the Middle East. A democracy often compared to that of Britain or the United States is now evoking comparisons to the less stable governments of Greece and Italy.
“What used to be a celebration of democracy has become a moment of shame for this building,” Yair Lapid, a former finance minister and political rival of the prime minister, said on the floor of Parliament Wednesday night.
The Parliament had until midnight Wednesday to form a majority government. But the hour passed with the two leading candidates for prime minister, Mr. Netanyahu and the former army chief Benny Gantz, unable to negotiate a power-sharing agreement.
Until a new government is created, Mr. Netanyahu remains prime minister of a caretaker government.
By clinging to office, analysts say, Mr. Netanyahu would at least leave himself in better position to negotiate a plea bargain with state prosecutors, and could perhaps avoid trial altogether in exchange for retiring from public life.
In the next election, expected to be in March, he will have to campaign as a defendant in three criminal cases: He was indicted on Nov. 21 on bribery and other corruption charges, accused of trading official favors worth hundreds of millions of dollars to Israeli media moguls for lavish gifts and extravagantly positive press.
It is unclear whether the indictment itself will hurt his chances, though, since the outlines of the cases against him have been known for months.
Israeli opinion polls show that another contest between Mr. Netanyahu and Mr. Gantz would result in the same stalemate: Mr. Gantz’s Blue and White party nearly always comes out slightly ahead, but falls short of enough partners to form a majority coalition.
A poll on Tuesday by Israel’s Channel 13, however, showed Blue and White opening up a four-seat lead over Likud, and the anti-Netanyahu parties combined reaching 60 seats, compared with 52 seats for the prime minister’s party and its allies. A 61-seat majority is needed to form a government.
The circumstances have shifted in other unhappy ways for Mr. Netanyahu: He is now contending with a noisy rebellion in the ranks of his own conservative Likud party from a growing contingent of local officials and activists who fear that his refusal to step aside could hand power to Israel’s center-left coalition. Likud on Wednesday tentatively called a primary contest for the party’s leadership on Dec. 26.
So far, Mr. Netanyahu has managed to keep the rebels largely at bay by encouraging his political base to rage against the criminal justice system, fulminating against the news media and political rivals to his left, and dangling promises to the right that if he keeps job, he can capitalize on his close ties to the Trump administration to deliver historic achievements, including annexing territory in the occupied West Bank.
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Credit...Dan Balilty for The New York Times
Mr. Gantz’s chances in a third round of elections also may have improved after his No. 2, Mr. Lapid, agreed Monday to give up his longstanding insistence on eventually succeeding Mr. Gantz as party leader, and potentially as prime minister.
Polls have shown that Mr. Lapid’s rotation agreement with Mr. Gantz was costing Blue and White two to four seats in Parliament.
Most Israelis are fed up with the contest and resent the idea of having a third election.
It will cost this small country some $500 million at a time when it is running a deficit, will prevent critical problems like overcrowded hospitals and failing schools from being addressed, and will make the military wait for approval of a new five-year spending plan despite growing threats in Lebanon, Syria, Iraq and Iran.
Still, Yohanan Plesner, president of the nonpartisan Israel Democracy Institute, said Israel’s governing institutions remained robust, particularly the law-enforcement authorities that had just indicted a sitting prime minister for the first time.
Despite inherent flaws in the electoral system and some legal ambiguities in how to deal with a prime minister under indictment, he said, “I don’t think there is cause for long term alarm.”
Mr. Plesner also noted that Israel was in good company. Since the mid-1990s it has held elections an average of every 2.3 years, but it now looks more like Greece, which held three elections within 10 months.
“This instability is not something to be proud of,” he said, “but it is our lot and at the same time Israeli democracy is solid.”
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Credit...Abir Sultan/EPA, via Shutterstock
BENNY GANTZ
 The prime minister’s rival is a three-star general who has held together a new coalition.
Israelis may be heading back to the polls in a fog of unprecedented and unresolved legal problems. While the law allows an indicted prime minister to remain in office, it says nothing about whether a candidate charged with serious offenses should be allowed to form a new government.
Israel’s attorney general, Avichai Mandelblit, has so far avoided issuing an opinion on that question, saying it was still only theoretical. But on Monday, the Supreme Court asked him to say by next week if or when he would clarify his views.
The brewing revolt within Likud adds to the challenges facing Mr. Netanyahu.
Gideon Saar, a popular former government minister, has drawn a growing number of local officials into open opposition to Mr. Netanyahu. The only contender so far who has pledged to challenge Mr. Netanyahu in the party’s primary contest, Mr. Saar has argued that a third election with Mr. Netanyahu in charge could cost the right its hold on power.
Mr. Saar’s campaign has unfurled a growing list of endorsements by Likud mayors, party leaders and officials in West Bank settlements.
“There’s been no proper government in Israel for more than a year and there’s no end in sight,” said Shimon Lankri, the Likud mayor of Acre, explaining why he switched to support Mr. Saar.
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Credit...Amir Levy/Getty Images
As the calls for Mr. Netanyahu to step aside have grown louder, he has fashioned an elaborate argument for why he should be allowed to continue as prime minister, at least for the first six months of a rotation agreement with Mr. Gantz.
Given the Trump administration’s favorable disposition toward Mr. Netanyahu, he has argued, Israel’s right wing has a window of opportunity — which could close as the 2020 presidential election heats up, let alone if Mr. Trump is defeated — to press Mr. Trump for important new favors.
Chief among them is approval for Israel’s annexation of the Jordan Valley, a loosely populated agricultural region where Mr. Netanyahu insists Israel must maintain a military presence under any settlement with the Palestinians.
Mr. Netanyahu announced that he had spoken of the idea with Mr. Trump in a phone call on Dec. 1, and then with Secretary of State Mike Pompeo at a meeting in Lisbon on Dec. 4. But David Schenker, the assistant secretary of state for Near East affairs, told reporters on Friday that Mr. Netanyahu had presented Mr. Pompeo no formal plan for annexing the area, and reaffirmed the administration’s view that “the ultimate disposition of territory is to be determined between the parties,” not through unilateral moves.
Mr. Netanyahu is also talking up a defense treaty with the United States, although Israeli military leaders have long played down the wisdom of such an agreement, saying that Israel can already count on American support whenever it is needed and that a formal pact could tie Israel’s hands in a regional conflict.
Polls show that most Israelis hold Mr. Netanyahu responsible for the return to the ballot box. But on the right, some of Mr. Netanyahu’s defenders have pinned the continued political impasse on Mr. Gantz for refusing to enter a unity government led by Mr. Netanyahu, if only for a few months, or on Avigdor Liberman, the leader of the ultranationalist, secular Yisrael Beiteinu party and a former Netanyahu ally who broke ranks with the right-wing, religious alliance.
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Credit...Dan Balilty for The New York Times
About the only thing the parties seemed ready to agree on was a new election date — though not without some Talmudic debate and another round of 11th-hour brinkmanship.
The political calendar dictated Tuesday, March 10, but that is Purim, a Jewish feast when revelers often drink themselves into oblivion, not conducive to performing a sober civic duty. The prior Tuesday is a memorial day for fallen soldiers.
The third Tuesday in March coincides with the anniversary of the death of an obscure Hasidic rabbi. Ultra-Orthodox parties were concerned that too many of their voters would be out of the country that day, making pilgrimages to the rabbi’s grave in Poland.
Giving up on Tuesdays, the lawmakers tentatively agreed on Monday, March 2 — though that falls smack in the middle of the policy conference of Aipac, the pro-Israel lobbying group, a destination for a yearly pilgrimage to Washington by major Israeli politicians.
But even a vote on that agreement was held up by haggling between Likud and Blue and White and was unlikely to be decided until Thursday morning.
No matter the date, a third election may not be the charm. If that vote also fails to produce a government, Israeli law would mandate a fourth.